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From Old-Fashioned Sexism to Modern Sexism: The Morphing of Bigotry 165
seem to be a common phenomena in nearly every society (Zastrow, 2004).
Whether such attitudes and practices come from ancient hunting - gathering
societies that differentiated roles for men and women (less physical freedom
for women because of childbearing), physical characteristics between the
sexes (greater physical strength of men than women), biological differences,
or social learning are the subject of much debate. These beliefs and practices,
however, have a long and continuing manifestation in religion.
Most religions like Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism possess
teachings, beliefs, and practices that relegate women to an inferior status.
According to Christian religion, for example, it was said that woman was
derived from man and man from God and thus woman was lesser than
man (Genesis, Chapter 3 ; Zastrow, 2004 ). Some orthodox Jewish men offer
daily thanks to God for not making them a woman (Zastrow, 2004). Even now,
the Roman Catholic Church forbids women to become ministers or priests. In
our society, God is often referred to by the male generic pronoun ( “ He ” ).
Likewise, gender stereotypes and discrimination against women seem to
be prevalent in interpersonal behaviors, institutional practices, and cultural
values/beliefs (D. Sue, Sue, & Sue, 2010). For example, cultural scripts, the
social and cultural beliefs and expectations that guide our behaviors and
gender roles, can be explicit or implicit (Gagnon, 1990). “ Stand by your man, ”
“ be ladylike, ” “ nice girls don ’ t initiate sex, ” and “ don ’ t be bitchy ” are cul-
tural scripts based upon beliefs and assumptions about appropriate female
role behaviors and admonitions never to violate them. Nearly 40 years
ago, one study found these stereotypes of women: submissive, sensitive to
slights, excitable, emotional, and conceited about appearance, dependent, less competi-
tive, unaggressive, irrational, and unobjective (Broverman & Broverman, 1970).
The study revealed a double standard for mental health among males and
females. Both men and women clinicians were asked to rate three categories
of individuals on 122 antonymous (opposite) pairs of traits: healthy male,
healthy female, and healthy adult. Descriptions of the healthy adult were the
same as the healthy male, while the healthy female was described differently
from both. In other words, to be a “ healthy female ” is to be an “ unhealthy
adult. ” Further, women are placed in a double bind as well. If “ male char-
acteristics ” denote health and effectiveness in the workforce, it means that
“ healthy female traits ” connote dysfunction and ineffectiveness in work situ-
ations. However, if women exhibit assertiveness at a work site (healthy male
and healthy adult traits) she runs the risk of being perceived as an unhealthy
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