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BEYOND ASIA: DECONSTRUCTING DIASPORA

          In today’s diasporic activism, similar tendencies can be detected. Remember,
        for example, the Huaren lament that many Chinese-Americans or Chinese-
        Canadians ‘know or care little of their counterparts elsewhere’ and the added
        militant directive that ‘such ignorance and indifference should be corrected’. To
        be sure, the very suggestion that Chinese-Americans should consider any other
        ‘Chinese’ group elsewhere in the world as their ‘counterparts’ cannot be taken
        at face value as a natural and logical demand. It is one instance of the imposition
        of fictive kinship which is part and parcel of the production of the Chinese diaspora
        as an imagined trasnational community. The claimed need for correction of trans-
        national ignorance and indifference only stresses the desire for integrating, if not
        unifying the diaspora.
          One could object, of course, that unlike nation–states, diasporas do not in general
        have the institutional resources to impose their disciplinary power on their
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        members: they are, after all, stateless. Furthermore, one could point to the fact
        that many people with Chinese ancestry today voluntarily identify with their
        Chinese ‘roots’ – a development in sync with the emergence of identity politics and
        the rise of multiculturalism, mostly in Western nation–states, especially the United
        States. Indeed, novels by Amy Tan and many other Chinese-American writers have
        popularized the stories of young and old second-, third- or even fourth generation
        Americans with Chinese ancestry who derive profound meaning and joy out of the
        rediscovery of their Chinese heritage, often underscored by return visits to China
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        the motherland. But these developments only confirm the empirical observation
        that the social and discursive production of the Chinese diaspora is in full swing, a
        process driven by a passionate identification with and reification of ‘Chineseness’
        as a globally relevant marker for identity and difference, and for which ‘China’,
        which, as I have discussed in Chapter 2, can be culturally defined as much as
        geographically located, forms the centre. The power of the diaspora here is ideo-
        logical and emotional rather than institutional: it works through the imagination
        (Appadurai 1996a).
          We can now return to Wang Gungwu’s unhappiness about the upsurge in the
        application of the word diaspora to the overseas Chinese. Wang’s concern focuses
        on the danger that the expression ‘Chinese diaspora’, just like the word huaqiao in
        earlier times, would create the false image of a single global Chinese community
        which would be ultimately loyal to China, to the detriment of the autonomy and
        specificity of local Chinese communities in different parts of the world. As Wang
        remarks: ‘I have long advocated that the Chinese overseas be studied in the context
        of their respective national environments, and taken out of a dominant China
        reference point’ (1999: 1). To counter the homogenizing tendencies of ‘diaspora’,
        Wang wishes to emphasize the large variety of overseas Chinese experiences, the
        real historical effects of the process of dispersal. For Wang, this emphasis on
        difference and diversity within the diaspora opens up the perspective of a diasporic
        pluralism, one that recognizes that there are ‘many kinds of Chinese’, even ‘many
        different Chinese diasporas’ (ibid.: 17), variously settled in and oriented towards
        their new countries of residence.


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