Page 47 - Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture
P. 47

32  .  The Shadow of  Whiteness

       to be scaled. Marx aptly describes the promise of the market: that money
       is the ultimate democratizing force, and that as a consumer class status is
       (potentially, at least) unimportant:  "[As] worker .. as consumer and
                                                   .
       possessor  of exchange  values, and that in the  form of the possessor  of
       money,  in the form of money he becomes a simple entry of circulation—
       one  of its infinitely many entries,  in which  his specificity as a worker  is
       extinguished"  (1969,420-21).
          This ability to become "a  simple entry of circulation"  is a sort of  free-
       dom, and it is this idea to which a snubbed customer refers when  declar-
       ing, "Isn't my money just as good  as hers?" Ben Fine, in a review of politi-
       cal economy and consumption  (1995), explores the implication of Marx's
       comment:
          [Marx's] analysis of a generalized commodity-producing society re-
          veals that it does not allow consumption to be read off from  other de-
          termining  economic relations,  since quantitative  differences  in the
          ability to consume, derived from  the distribution of incomes associat-
          ed with different  class positions, have no  immediate implications for
          differentiation  in consumption itself. (135)

       That is, class standing  does  not  determine what  exactly is consumed,
       though  class certainly has implications for income, raising practical  bar-
       riers to consumption  even though formal barriers might not exist. To put
       it another way, consumption under capitalism is largely mediated by cul-
       ture, a notion  that  Pierre Bourdieu has captured in his study,  Distinction
       (1984), in which he develops the notion  of cultural capital.
          Bourdieu  examines  consumption  not  as  a  relatively  consensual
       process,  but as one from which some people are actively barred. Accord-
       ing to Bourdieu, consumption  is partly based in special forms of knowl-
       edge and  experience that  are  often  acquired  through  inarticulate,  quo-
       tidian  happenings  he terms habitus. In  discussing his notion  of habitus,
       Bourdieu pays special attention  to children: in the habitus the child is so-
       cialized to the small gestures and  bits of knowledge that allow  a person
       to  operate  as a member  of one's  culture  or  class:  how to  eat, where  to
       sit, inflection of the voice, what to wear. This knowledge and experience
       accrues  as what  Bourdieu  calls  "cultural  capital,"  a term  chosen  ex-
       pressly to  communicate  the  fact  that class is not  just clothes  or educa-
       tion  or  accent  but  the  result  of  a  tremendous,  lifelong  acquisition
       process. As Thorstein  Veblen (1912) had noted, class mobility is restrict-
       ed not  only because climbing the ladder is plain hard work,  but because
       people  at  the top  are actively trying to  prevent those  below them  from
       following  too closely.
   42   43   44   45   46   47   48   49   50   51   52