Page 48 - Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture
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The Shadow of Whiteness  .  33

          One  of Bourdieu's enduring contributions  to  the study of consump-
       tion is his detailed  analysis of the  processes through  which the  apparent
       homogeneity within groups  is shaped.  Contrary to popular  belief, per-
       sonal choice and preferences are not the main determinants of individual
       consumption.  Rather, the habitus  offers  opportunities  for  "controlled
       improvisation,"  and the  range  of improvisations  varies according  to
       one's  position  in and  experience with the habitus (Bourdieu  1977). The
       acquisition  of cultural capital further  shapes consumption  choice  and
       opportunities.  In this context choice is not  free  but constructed,  not end-
       less but  bounded. Bourdieu's observation  dovetails powerfully  with  the
       recognition that the endless proliferation of choice in contemporary con-
       sumer  society is, in fact,  an illusion. In addition  to  the Frankfurt  school
       critiques discussed earlier, Stuart Ewen  (1976,  1988)  and  Susan Willis
       (1991) have explored  this theme,  but without  laying out  as carefully  as
       has Bourdieu the mechanisms through  which  even the choices that  are
       potentially  available present restrictions.
          Bourdieu assumes that, given the  choice,  everyone would  choose  the
       same things—that ultimately what members of  a given society want  is
       more or less the same. Veblen's earlier account  of social differentiation  is
       based  on  a similar assumption:  the  upper  classes continually  change
       their consumption  patterns because members of classes below them con-
       tinually try to consume what people of the upper classes do. This  notion
       is implicit to  the bulk of consumption  studies,  but  Carrier and  Heyman
       find this assumption  problematic, writing,  "We do not  think  it is safe  to
       assume that  people  would  consume  the  same  things  if  they  had  the
       money. We can  neither neglect the  question of whether  people have the
       money, nor  the question  of how  people enact distinctive life trajectories
       with the money they do have"  (1997, 22).
          So while Marx's observation that  the  possession  of money can,  for a
       time, erase the appearance  of class difference,  creating spaces and situa-
       tions where "specificity as a worker is extinguished,"  Bourdieu's notions
       of habitus and  cultural capital are helpful  in understanding the limits to
       extinguishing such specificity. Differences  in consumption are not simply
       differences  of style determined  largely by economic  factors  or prefer-
       ences that may be acted upon freely within those economic limits. Ameri-
       can society has, for more than two centuries, shaped and limited the con-
       sumption  of black communities through  a combination  of structural
       factors, everyday social practices,  and symbolic means.
          Marx certainly never intended to imply that the consumer world actu-
       ally constituted a realm of unbridled freedom as long as one had the price
       of entry: "Labor  cannot  emancipate  itself in the white skin where  in the
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