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Selected Topics in Intercultural Communication 49


                                 shared. This could be likened to the flow of water in a series of
                                 canals compared with a free-flowing system of rivers and tribu-
                                 taries. An excellent example can be found in Stephanie Hall’s ar-
                                 ticle, “Train Gone Sorry” (1989), about communication etiquette
                                 at a Deaf club. She explains that
                                         hearing people often comment that Deaf people do not
                                         keep secrets among themselves—although they may
                                         keep their secrets from hearing people! Yet it should
                                         not be surprising that among people for whom all in-
                                         formation is precious, even sacred, secrecy is consid-
                                         ered antisocial. Sharing information is an affirmation
                                         of the unity of the Deaf community. Deaf people in turn
                                         often think a hearing person’s attitude toward privacy
                                         [is] infuriating and perplexing. (S. Hall 99)

                                 Context in the Legal Arena
                                 One final example of differences in levels of context can be found
                                 in the legal arena. This aspect of American culture is even farther
                                 out on the low-context end of the continuum. Edward T. Hall (1976)
                                 describes the American legal system as so decontexted that “…it
                                 is extraordinarily difficult to guarantee that the proceedings can
                                 be linked to real life” (106). The inadmissibility of hearsay, per-
                                 sonal opinion, and background information as well as the heavy
                                 usage of yes-no questions “…reveal the U.S. courts as the epitome
                                 of low-context systems” (107). In comparison, Hall describes the
                                 French courts, which are higher context and which “…allow great
                                 leeway in the testimony admitted as evidence. The court wants to
                                 find out as much as possible about the circumstances behind the
                                 surface acts.… Everything is heard—facts, hearsay, gossip” (108).
                                     Hall goes on to say that low-context legal systems view the
                                 participants as adversaries, while high-context cultures such as
                                 Japan put “the accused, the court, the public, and those who are
                                 the injured parties on the same side, where, ideally, they can work
                                 together to settle things” (111). Another example of this high-con-
                                 text justice system is found in Native American “sentencing circles,”
                                 which are community-based tribunals that are composed of tribal
                                 leaders, the victim, the defendant, friends, and families; at times
                                 a judge presides and there are lawyers present. After a long pro-
                                 cess—sometimes several days—of discussion and consensus build-
                                 ing, participants arrive at a sentence (Turner 1996).








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