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16   Silence in Intercultural Communication



             2.4   Silence in multicultural classroom contexts

             Studies in multicultural classroom settings have shown students from minority
             ethnic groups being silent in the classroom, in comparison with their majority
             peers. According to Jaworski & Sachdev (1998), “research has previously suggest-
             ed that the multiethnic and multilinguistic educational environment is strongly
             associated with a ‘culture of silence’”(p. 276). In his ethnographic study of Sioux
             and Cherokee students, Dumont (1972) found that these students’ silence in the
             classroom was a consequence of conflicts based on cultural differences. In both
             Sioux and Cherokee societies, community members are not used to the “highly
             individualized atmosphere of the classroom” (ibid.: 362), and being singled out
             for a response repeatedly by the teachers brings only silence from the children.
             Similarly, Philips (1972, 1983) explains the silence of children from Warm Springs
             Indian communities in central Oregon as a way of coping with cultural differ-
             ences – between the Warm Springs culture and the mainstream white American
             one – in the classroom. She further explains that because learning takes place
             predominantly through the visual channel in Warm Springs communities, Indian
             children face difficulties in learning by trial and error through verbal performance
             in mainstream classrooms.
                Biggs & Edwards (1993) approach silence in the multicultural classroom from
             a different perspective. They used a combination of ethnographic approaches and
             quantitative analysis of recorded classroom interaction, and found that teachers
             interact with black children much less frequently and for a shorter duration than
             with white children. When the frequency of initiation by children was examined,
             there  were  no  obvious  differences.  The  authors  show,  with  further  support  of
             qualitative data, that the silence of black children is derived from racial prejudice
             and discrimination. Similar findings are reported by Ortiz (1988, cited in Losey
             1997) who found that Mexican American students are called on 21% less fre-
             quently than their Anglo-American peers in American mainstream classrooms.
             The explanation was that the teachers preferred to avoid embarrassing students
             for their poor English or feeling embarrassed themselves if any miscommunica-
             tion occurs. Here we see the use of silence as politeness strategies in intercultural
             communication.
                While most of these studies on silence in the multicultural classroom focused
             on  primary  school  classrooms,  Losey  (1997)  looked  at  the  silence  of  Mexican
             American adult college students. In her study of an English composition classroom
             at a college, she found that the overall participation hierarchy was Anglo-Ameri-
             can  males  followed  by  Anglo-American  females,  and  then  Mexican  American
             males followed by Mexican-American females after a significant gap. Losey (1997)
             gives negative self-perception as a powerless and silenced minority compounded
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