Page 27 - Silence in Intercultural Communication
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14   Silence in Intercultural Communication



             noted that pauses of the same length can be interpreted differently as contextual
             factors affect their significance and meaning (cf. Watts 1997).
                What seem to be argued often, instead of the empirically-measured length of
             silence, are different levels of tolerance for silence found through ethnographic
             observation. For instance, Lehtonen & Sajavaara (1985) and Sajavaara & Lehtonen
             (1997) report that the Finns often attach a positive value to silence on social oc-
             casions. Similarly, Jaworski (1993) mentions Reisman’s (1974) description of long
             silences typically observed in social encounters among neighbours in Lapp com-
             munities in Northern Sweden. Corcoran (2000), in questioning the Western valu-
             ation of talk over silence, describes some uses of silence in Australian Aboriginal
             communities as “silence at the time of pleasure, sorrow, adopting the meditative
             and consensual ‘mark of silence’” (p. 185, see also Walsh 1994). A number of other
             speech communities are found to be more tolerant of silence and attach a more
             positive value to silence than Western-communities (e.g. Basso 1972; Enninger
             1987; Nowye 1985; Scollon 1985).
                At a wider sociocultural level, different norms may operate in terms of the
             context-specific distribution of talk and silence. Scollon & Scollon (1983) report
             that in Athabaskan Indian communities children’s learning takes place by listen-
             ing to and observing adults silently and not by displaying and discovering errors
             like Anglo-American children. Philips (1972, 1983) also reports a similar distri-
             bution of talk between adults and children in the Warm Springs Indian com-
             munity, which is in contrast with the pattern found in Anglo-American learning
             processes. Another aspect of silence which can be characterised as part of wider
             sociocultural frameworks is what not to talk about, or what is irrelevant as a topic.
             For example, in Aboriginal communities in Australia, there are topics which can
             only be mentioned by women or men, and these topics have been called “secret
             women’s business” and “secret men’s business” (Moore 2000: 138).
                Approaching silence from a psychological perspective, one of the important
             contextual factors which can affect silence in intercultural communication is par-
             ticipants’ second language (L2) anxiety. Lehtonen et al. (1985) discuss the role of
             L2 anxiety in Finnish students’ silence. The results of their study suggested that
             communication apprehension in L2 is likely to be caused by a “perception of low
             personal competence or low self-esteem, inability to identify appropriate social
             behaviour, and anticipation of negative outcome to communication” (p. 61). The
             authors argue that rather than the actual proficiency, the negative self-perception
             of L2 proficiency can be one of the major causes of avoidance of communication.
             However, it is notable that hardly any studies in silence in intercultural commu-
             nication have explored the relationship between silence and the actual language
             proficiency with empirical data. Lehtonen et al. (1985) also raises an interesting
             point that one in five Americans feels apprehensive about communication because
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