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STUART HALL AND THE MARXIST CONCEPT OF IDEOLOGY 57

            of bourgeois ideology, finally consolidated this usage when he wrote What
            Is  to  Be  Done?  He  depicted  a  highly  polarized  political  struggle  which
            determined that ‘the only choice is—either bourgeois or socialist ideology.
            There is no middle course (for mankind has not created a “third” ideology,
            and, moreover, in a society torn by class antagonisms there can never be a
            non-class  or  an  above-class  ideology)’  (Lenin,  1975:48).  Ever  since  that
            moment, the critical concept of ideology all but disappeared from marxism
            until  under  the  influence  of  both  critical  theory  and,  paradoxically,  the
            work of the early Althusser, it was rediscovered. 5
              So  when  Laclau,  Poulantzas  and  Hall  criticize  the  classical  theory  for
            conceiving  of  ideology  as  the  ‘number-plates’  on  the  back  of  social
            classes  and  for  overlooking  ideological  differences  within  the  dominant
            classes, they are not criticizing Marx’s concept but a version of Lenin’s, and
            are  proposing  an  alternative  which,  admittedly,  improves  on  certain
            interpretations  of  Lenin’s  conception.  However,  by  conflating  Marx  and
            Lenin  on  this  issue,  they  fail  to  make  a  crucial  distinction  between  two
            different traditions within marxism and they do not seem to be aware of
            any  difference  between  Marx  and  Lenin  in  relation  to  the  concept  of
            ideology.
              Second,  the  charge  that  with  Marx’s  theory  of  ideology  Thatcherism
            would  be  understood  as  in  no  significant  way  different  from  traditional
            conservative  ruling  ideas  misses  the  crucial  point,  again,  that  for  Marx
            ideology and ruling ideas are not the same. By definition, Marx’s theory of
            ideology did not and could not address the question of competing political
            outlooks  within  a  ruling  party.  Hall’s  argument  is  right  against  an
            interpretation of the leninist concept of ideology which rigidly imputes an
            ideology  to  a  particular  class  position,  but  not  right  against  Marx’s
            conception.  But  even  addressing  a  neutral  leninist  definition  of  ideology,
            the charge must be made with caution. True, Thatcherism and traditional
            conservatism  are  different  forms  of  political  thought  corresponding  to
            different stages of accumulation in the capitalist system. But one must not
            forget  that  there  is  also  an  element  of  continuity.  Both  ideological  forms
            are  concerned  with  the  protection  and  expansion  of  the  capitalist  system
            under a different form. Mrs Thatcher was not presiding over any change of
            the  mode  of  production,  she  was  propping  up  and  defending  the  same
            capitalist  system  at  a  different  stage  of  development.  The  novelty  of  her
            position should not therefore be exaggerated.
              Third,  Hall  criticizes  Marx’s  alleged  recourse  to  false  consciousness  in
            order  to  explain  the  success  of  ruling  ideas,  and  its  implicit  empiricist
            connotations.  First  of  all,  it  must  be  clarified  that  Marx  never  defined
            ideology simply as false consciousness or even used such expression. It was
            Engels who used this expression, and only once (Engels, 1975:434). It is not
            that I am trying to deny that ideology for Marx and Engels involved a form
            of false consciousness. It certainly did, but it was not false consciousness in
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