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                   commercialisation of the media system. Over the years, more and more campaign tasks
                   have been given into the hands of outside marketing and polling experts but are still
                   decided and organised by campaigners who come from inside the parties and thus
                   have a political background,learning ‘on the job’in election campaigns.


                   Although the same conditions apply for day-to-day political communication, the
                   special features of the German political system prevent the marketing orientation to
                   take over in the same way as is visible in campaigns. The communication experts, who
                   are in charge of conveying politics to the media and the electorate, are part of the
                   political system and remain in the background.Their relationship with journalists in the
                   political communication subsystem is still very much characterised by cooperation for
                   mutual benefit. Only recently have researchers found some indications of the symbiotic
                   relationship coming to an end. Strangely enough, the growing distance between
                   communication officers and journalists is due to boundary-crossing by both sides:
                   Journalists feel under pressure by sophisticated strategies on the part of the political
                   actors – politicians themselves or their communication experts – and fear losing their
                   discretionary power and thus their credibility, while at the same time political actors are
                   under the impression of being forced onto the defensive by journalists, who are not
                   content with what is being offered to them or try to play with political power
                   themselves.


                   Therefore, professionalisation of politics in Germany could be said to proceed at two
                   speeds. When it comes to campaign communication, professionalisation has come far
                   and progresses quickly, but the process is more restrained where routine political
                   communication is concerned, because the constraints are more effective where politics
                   is made rather than just represented.

                   REFERENCES
                   Bergmann, K. & W. Wickert (1999) ‘Selected aspects of communication in German election
                    campaigns’, pp. 455–483 in B.I. Newman (ed) Handbook of Political Marketing. Thousand Oaks,
                    CA:Sage
                   Caspari, M., K. Schönbach, & E. Lauf (1999) ‘Bewertung politischer Akteure in Fernsehnachrichten’,
                    Media Perspektiven,pp.270–274.
                   Dalton, R. J. (2002) Citizen politics. Public opinion and political parties in advanced democracies.3rd
                    edn,New York:Chatham House.
                   Esser, F. (2003) ‘Wie die Medien ihre eigene Rolle und die der politischen Publicity im
                    Bundestagswahlkampf framen – Metaberichterstattung: ein neues Konzept im Test’, pp.  Professionalisation of Politics in Germany
                    162–193 in C. Holtz-Bacha (ed.) Die Massenmedien im Wahlkampf. Die Bundestagswahl 2002.
                    Wiesbaden:Westdeutscher Verlag
                   Greger,V. (1998) ‘Privatisierung politischer Berichterstattung im Fernsehen? Zur Veränderung der
                    Akteursstruktur in politischen Informationssendungen von 1986 bis 1994’, pp. 251–282 in
                    K..Imhof & P. Schulz (eds.) Die Veröffentlichung des Privaten ? die Privatisierung des Öffentlichen.
                    Opladen:Westdeutscher Verl
                   Holtz-Bacha, C. (1999) ‘Mass media and elections: An impressive body of research’, pp. 39–68 in
                    H.-B.Brosius & C Holtz-Bacha (eds) German Communication Yearbook.Cresskill,NJ:Hampton  77
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