Page 76 - The Professionalisation of Political Communication Chaning Media, Changing Europe Volume 3

Political Communication.qxd 5/1/07 15:05 Page 75
Political Communication.qxd 12/7/06 7:30 pm Page 73

PROFESSIONALISATION OF POLITICS IN GERMANY | 73

supports the opposition in the Bundestag. Over the years, the existence of opposed
majorities in the two chambers has led to a higher level of polarisation that had to be
reconciled with the requirements of cooperative politics, which are seen as
characteristic of Germany:‘In practice, the outcome was a combination of confrontation
and cooperation, and hence, the coexistence of competition, partisan struggles and
majority rule together with consensus formation through compromises or unanimity in
decision-making’ (Schmidt, 1996, p. 73). These features of the political system lead to
distinct patterns of political communication in Germany. Communication management
of the government always has to take into account the interests of the coalition
partners in the government, the interests of the parliamentary parties, namely the
parties of the governing coalition as well as the opposition parties, and the interests of
the 16 Länder governments, in particular those where their own party has a majority.
Against this backdrop, government communication becomes a delicate matter. On the
one hand, it is to present the achievements and plans of the coalition government, but
this makes it difficult for the coalition partners to sharpen their individual profile. On
the other hand, the government must seek to trigger support for its actions in the
parliament, at least by its own parties, but the government also often needs support
from the opposition and the Länder. These complex relations would rather suggest
clandestine coordination but in fact are, more often than not, fought out in the media.
‘Going public’ rather than backstage negotiation lies in the interest of all actors who
seek to present themselves to the electorate and to gain public support for their own
stance, and thus to strengthen their position vis-à-vis the other side (cf. Pfetsch, 2003,
pp. 74–75).Thus, although government communication in Germany is to a great extent
aimed at coalition building, the polarisation of two blocs, the red-green coalition, which
has been in government since 1998, and the Opposition parties CDU/CSU and FDP, as
well as the need of the parties to polish their individual images, has led to a shift from
the old political logic to a more media-centred approach of news management. This
strategy is particularly attractive for the opposition parties because they have to work
against the traditional bonus that the government enjoys with the news media.

The systemic background and party competition help to explain why news
management in Germany has still been diagnosed as following a political or party-
centred strategy as opposed to the media-centred style of news management that is
characteristic of the United States. Party-centred news management is primarily ‘
characteristic of the United States. Party-centred news management is primarily
determined by the aim of informing the public,legitimizing decisions,mobilizing public
‘determined by the aim of informing the public, legitimizing decisions, mobilizing public
and political support, creating trust in government performance, and by the executive’s Professionalisation of Politics in Germany
need to make its message compatible with the institutional prerequisites of the
political process’ (Pfetsch, 1998, p. 70). Accordingly, research has shown that party and
government communicators, who are in charge of conveying politics to the media and
the wider public, see themselves as part of the political system, providing a service for
politicians and the media. Issue- and image-centred objectives rank higher than
instrumental and strategic aims.The relation between political speakers and journalists
was still marked by a great need for harmony on both sides, thus calling for consensus 75