Page 66 - CULTURE IN THE COMMUNICATION AGE
P. 66

THINKING  ABOUT  CULTURE  IN  A  GLOBAL  ECUMENE

                            In a Washington neighborhood
            But then I had made those notes as I had just left a field situation where that
            view of culture seemed quite problematic. It had been two exciting years in an
            African-American neighborhood, as I immersed myself in another way of life,
            at the same time as that way of life was going through important changes, and
            was also at the center of much public debate. But what was it I had actually
            been studying? In a way, for ‘a culture’ it could seem it was not shared enough,
            as I was inclined rather to distinguish between several co-existing lifestyles,
            among  which  individuals  might  also  move  as  time  passed.  And  people  in
            these lifestyles co-existed, but not always quietly. If some said they preferred to
            ‘walk their walk and talk their talk’, there was also intermittent confrontation
            and continuous debate.
              In another way there was too much sharing, extending too far, to allow me
            to delineate the distinctive culture of the community I had been involved with,
            for somehow I must do justice to the complicated interweaving between what
            was in some way more peculiar to a black, largely low-income community, and
            what was more or less mainstream American – whatever now that could be
            taken to mean. There was a ‘now you see it, now you don’t’ quality to the
            cultural  boundary,  even  as  the  social  boundary  between  races  was  clearcut
            enough.
              Besides, that notion of culture as ‘transmitted from generation to generation’
            was really far from innocent. In the political climate of the period, such ‘trans-
            mission’ could too easily be understood along the lines of an epidemiology
            of  collective  maladaptation;  a  debate  raged  over  whether  there  was,  among
            low-income  black  Americans,  a  ‘culture  of  poverty’  which  itself  maintained
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            poverty.   One  critical  response  to  such  a  diagnosis  was  that,  if  there  were
            observable  modes  of  action  which  did  not  seem  properly  mainstream
            American, they were still not ‘cultural’, just situational responses to extreme
            circumstances. That seemed like an enlightened line of argument – but did it
            not take rather lightly the cultural history of a people who had moved, over the
            generations, from West African village life, through the Atlantic slave trade and
            plantation slavery, to the rural American South and then to the urban North,
            mostly without having been really a part of that American mainstream?
              So  those  notes  from  aboard  the  Kungsholm  had  to  do  with  the  blurred
            boundaries of my field of study, its striking internal variation, and its ongoing
            cultural process, in relationship to the changing circumstances of history. In
            retrospect,  one  might  see  that  I  had  come  into  anthropology  in  a  period
            when a growing number of its practitioners, like me, were placing themselves,
            deliberately or rather willy-nilly, in field situations where that culture concept
            which  had  perhaps  itself  been  transmitted  from  generation  to  generation,
            within the discipline, did not seem to work very well any more. Probably it had
            had its weaknesses all the time, but now they could no longer be disregarded.




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