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SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF PROFESSIONS 149

than others (Álvarez Sierra, 1955; De Borja, In addition, concepts such as career, prestige,
1981; De Miguel, 1979). However, this issue professional body and class, salaried workers
would not be tackled in depth until later (for and bureaucrats are introduced. However,
example García and García, 2000; Gómez these concepts are not related to any body of
Bueno, 1996; Jar Couselo, 1992; Sánchez- theory which helps to understand the mean-
Apellaniz, 2001). Conflict theories and ings they are conveying. Instead, these con-
interpretations (including Marxism) became cepts are used as issues/topics around which
increasingly important in the second part some statistics about professions are pre-
of this period as Spanish sociologists tried sented. It is also the case that the only empir-
to understand the apparent power and ical research in the book is the literature
influence of some particular occupational review its authors produced.
groups. However, positivist and interactionist
approaches (e.g., De Miguel, 1979; De
Miguel and Salcedo, 1987, which exemplify Sociology of the professions since
the latter) were also predominant in this 1982: professionalization and
period.
jurisdictional competition

Studies of and publications about profes-
Martín-Moreno and de Miguel sions, and the number and kinds of profes-
sions considered, have certainly increased
(1982): a milestone text?
during this later period. Indeed almost any
This was the first book in Spanish on the occupation was considered to be a profes-
sociology of professions. Its title, Sociología sion: those in, for example, public transporta-
de las profesiones, clearly acknowledged the tion (González Carbajal, 1998), agriculture
existence of such an intellectual field in (Gago, 1996) and many others. While the
Spain and it included a review of earlier quality of these publications was very hetero-
Spanish work in this area. Despite its signif- geneous, there were some common features.
icant contribution towards a more scientific In particular, the concept of profession was
and independent (non-self-laudatory) analy- neither discussed nor compared with similar
sis of the professions, in retrospect it seems concepts to find out differences; it seemed
to have had only a limited influence on sub- that occupation and profession were just
sequent theoretical developments. equivalent terms. In this respect, Spanish
In general the book lacked historical back- studies tended to be similar to those in
ground. Also, its reflections are disconnected France and elsewhere in Europe where the
from developments in the field abroad. The distinctiveness of professional (in contrast to
authors refer to the liberal model of profes- occupational) work was seldom emphasized.
sions and its principles and drawbacks; to the It is, then, only in more recent interpretations
ideology of professionalism; and to the mer- that the category of knowledge work – and its
itocracy and elitism of professional groups increased significance in modern and global
which result from their corporate motivations economies – is gaining in importance.
and strategic power locations. However, this For a time, the proliferation of so-called
liberal model is criticized by reference to professions, trades and occupations chal-
Spanish sources which do not draw their con- lenged the sociology of professions. These
clusions from either sound research or firm occupations were colonized by lay knowl-
theoretical interpretations. Therefore, the edge and common sense which seemed to
analysis by Martín-Moreno and de Miguel threaten the prospect of concept building in
lacks not only an appropriate use of ade- the field. In effect, two different sectors of
quately constructed models, but an effort to research emerged: one devoted to publicizing
compare and confront the liberal model of and popularizing professions and attracting
professions with alternative interpretations. clients as well as practitioners, and another