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MILITARY PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS 241

nations that sought to support the mission process of military participation in peace-
through means other than sending troops. keeping had to define their appropriate roles
Germany and Japan, despite their contribu- in the conflict management process.
tions of billions of dollars, were held As their presence in peacekeeping opera-
accountable for their failure to fulfill the tions became more visible, developing coun-
norm of burden sharing by sending military tries started voicing concerns about the
personnel. This was the dawning of a second dominance of Western nations in UN peace-
wave of new actors in peace operations, keeping and violation of the norm of impar-
producing a renewal of discussion on what tiality, by favoring their interests and relying
sorts of personnel should be involved in on their sources of intelligence information
peacekeeping. (Alley, 1998). In a study of burden sharing
for peacekeeping operations between 1994
and 2000, Shimizu and Sandler (2002)
reported that the financing of peacekeeping
CHANGING ROLES IN PEACEKEEPING operations in the post-Cold War period
increasingly relied on a handful of NATO
The changing patterns of conflict to which allied countries with advanced technological
the global community attended yielded new capabilities and economic power. The
patterns of competition and cooperation authors suggest that this disproportionate
among states involved in the control and res- burden-sharing is a cause for concern
olution of conflict, and between states and because the political agenda of a few power-
international organizations involved in that ful shareholders would undermine public
endeavor. Patterns of sovereignty were acceptance of UN-led peacekeeping opera-
changing and new participants appeared on tions. However, Shimizu and Sandler (2002)
the peacekeeping field. Some of these new cautioned that what countries participate in
participants were major powers whose par- missions and how many troops they send are
ticipation had previously been constrained by not good indicators of burden-sharing. The
the norms of first-generation peacekeeping. burden for some developing nations that send
Others were nations that had been aggressors their troops to peacekeeping missions is neg-
in World War II, whose military participa- ative. For example, Pakistan, Bangladesh,
tion, particularly outside their national terri- Malaysia, and Egypt are willing to partici-
tories, had been constrained by post-War pate in missions because the payment they
‘peace’ constitutions (Germany and Japan), receive from the UN is a source of additional
but who found themselves cross-pressured income for their underpaid soldiers and of
by newly emerging norms of burden sharing foreign currencies.
in support of international peace and security Some researchers and critics are con-
at the end of the twentieth century. cerned that this practice causes a decline in
In the early 1990s, there was a concern mission effectiveness as developing coun-
about the overwhelmingly white and Western tries are allowed to send poorly trained and
dominance of peacekeeping. Although the underequipped soldiers to missions (Bobrow
adequate geographic representation of troop and Boyer, 1997; Brooks, 2003; Diehl, 1993;
contributions was one of the basic principles Mackinlay and Chopra, 1993; Shimizu and
of international peacekeeping missions, 46% Sandler, 2002). In addition, some new
of UN soldiers were military personnel of entrants have special arrangements with the
European nations (Blechman and Vaccaro, UN, and they participate in a very limited
1994). By the late 1990s, as many as three range of peacekeeping functions and require
quarters of the UN troops consisted of con- protection from troops of other nations
tingents from developing countries (Weerts (Brooks, 2003). Despite these new issues, the
et al., 2001). These new entrants into the UN has welcomed new entrants to manage