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                                         CONFLICT AND DIVERSITY: CANADA / QUÉBEC             451


                      Many strands of diversity might be the  which may be the empirical referents of
                    best way to portray Canada/Québec, charac-  ethnicity, along with the dynamic (and even
                    terized, depending on the players being  fluid) nature of these referents.  Theoretical
                    examined, by often simultaneous conflict  approaches which focus on majority/minor-
                    and competition, as well as relations of coop-  ity or dominant/subordinate social relations
                    eration.  That various processes of social   are especially useful. Moreover, by the early
                    differentiation are involved is attested by the  1980s, a number of feminist sociologists,
                    many issues addressed through Canadian  working independently, started to develop
                    (and Québec) policies and laws which regu-  what has now become intersectional analy-
                    late power relations between majority and  sis, incorporating concurrent consideration
                    minority groups (e.g., multicultural policy, lin-  of ethnicity/race, gender and class (and
                    guistic policies, Aboriginal policies, immigra-  sometimes other social locations as well).
                    tion policies, cultural policies, etc.).  When  These pioneers included Danielle Juteau
                    made explicit, the various bases of diversity  (Juteau and Roberts, 1981) in Canada, Bell
                    can tell a great deal about histories of both  hooks (1981) in the United States, and Floya
                    individuals and collectivities, which are  Anthias and Nira  Yuval-Davis (1983) in
                    marked not only by ethnicity, language and  Great Britain.  Analyses which emphasize
                    immigration status, but also by such other  fluidity and multiple identities related to
                    social locations as gender. Clearly, the impact  ethnicity have, to date, been more widely
                    of the paradigm of diversity on the imagined  adopted than those focussing on intersec-
                    nation or national boundaries remains to be  tionality (of sex, race, ethnicity), but both
                    analyzed. It would, perhaps, be more realistic  challenge us to incorporate the complexi-
                    to speak of the diversity of diversity than of   ties of concurrently occupying the multiple
                    a stabilized meaning of the term.       social locations, while recognizing that their
                      We can identify at least five axes cross-  meanings are not necessarily remaining
                    cutting the social and sociological usages of  static.
                    the term: diversity as social discourse; diver-  At the same time, to take up our second
                    sity as a narrative of institutional policies;  point, about the heuristic value of diversity,
                    diversity as a social fact; diversity as a political  there has been a tendency, since the end of
                    rhetoric; and diversity as a concept, a tool to  the 1980s, to  homogenize all migrants of
                    study and understand social realities.  The  European descent when studying their migra-
                    sometimes blurred boundaries between those  tion and integration in Canada/ Québec. This
                    axes call out for an epistemology of diversity.  is no doubt a result of a substantial increase
                    More modestly we will suggest the following  in the source countries of migration,
                    as points to consider in tackling diversity in  reflected in the much greater immigration
                    sociological research: (1) the complexities it  from non-European regions, notably  Asia,
                    challenges us to incorporate into our analysis,  Latin America, Africa and the Middle East.
                    (2) its heuristic value, (3) the impact on our  As noted in this chapter, immigrants from
                    analysis of what is perceived as diversity by  these regions and their descendants are often
                    institutions, and finally (4) the limits to our  referred to collectively in Canada as ‘visible
                    sociological application of ‘diversity’.  minorities’, although the acceptability of this
                      First let us consider the complexities we are  concept is contested as ethnocentric by some
                    challenged to incorporate. Since the 1970s  of those to whom it is applied. Like the
                    conceptualizations of ethnicity have become  ‘non-visible minorities’, they, too, have often
                    less essentialized and less static (see, e.g., in  been homogenized in recent analyses (e.g.,
                    quite different ways, Appadurai, 1996, 2001;  Li, 2000). This is a tendency which we con-
                    Guillaumin, 1995; Hall, 1992; Schermerhorn,  sider just as problematic as the homogeniz-
                    1970). These conceptualizations allow us to  ing of those of European origin, given the
                    consider a wider range of social statuses  differences among their respective social
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