Page 225 - An Introduction to Political Communication Third Edition
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COMMUNICATING POLITICS

                pursuit of military public relations when they came to power in the
                1980s, the rise of the anti-war movement among the young people
                of  America  and  the  widespread  revulsion  which  accompanied
                growing  awareness  of  US  military  brutality  in  South-East  Asia
                were the product of a media out of control and running loose on the
                battlefield.
                  As  was  noted  in  Chapter  4,  this  ‘common  sense’  view  of  the
                media’s relationship to public opinion about the Vietnam War has
                been challenged by a number of authors (Hallin, 1986; Williams,
                1993). Bruce Cummings asserts that between 1961 and 1968 the
                US  media,  including  television,  enthusiastically  performed  their
                patriotic duty on behalf of the government’s war efforts, and that
                after 1968 ‘television brought into the home not the carnage of war,
                but  the  yawning  fissure  in  the  American  consensus  that  under-
                pinned this war in the previous period’ (1992, p. 84). Reportage
                of the war in its latter stages was not ‘anti-government’ so much
                as  reflective  of  the  divisions  which  afflicted  the  politico-military
                establishment on policy. Daniel Hallin’s detailed study has estab-
                lished that Vietnam coverage was at its most diverse, critical and
                negative during periods of political conflict around the issue, but
                that journalists never challenged the fundamental legitimacy of US
                war aims (1986). Even the My Lai massacre was virtually ignored
                by the US media for two years after it happened.
                  While, however, reportage of the Vietnam War does not merit the
                charges of subversion made against it by some US politicians as they
                sought to find explanations for their country’s humiliation at the
                hands of the North Vietnamese, the information environment in
                which  journalists  found  themselves  was relatively  unrestricted.
                While  the  administration  pursued  its  public  relations  activities,
                journalists  in  the  field  were  permitted  a  degree  of  latitude  with
                which  to  film  often  shocking  images  of  death  and  destruction.
                Television viewers in the US and elsewhere saw pictures of children
                being burned to death by (US) napalm; of villages being torched by
                US  troops;  of  summary  executions  of  suspected  communists  by
                South Vietnamese officers; and, most significantly in the view of
                contemporary commentators, US troops in disarray as the North
                mounted its ‘Tet offensive’. These images were the product of the
                US administration’s view, in accordance with the strongly liberal
                tradition of American democracy, that ‘the public have a right to
                information’ (Mercer et al., 1987, p. 5). There were substantial and
                largely successful efforts made to manage news and public opinion,
                as  we  have  noted,  but  control  over  journalists  was  far  from


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