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US Foreign  Communication Policy           21

           monopoly and the presumed security needs of the West as expressed
           through  the  Department  of Defense  (DoD).  In  fact,  the  potential
           economic and cultural-power benefits of developing and implement-
           ing  DBS  technologies,  although occasionally recognized,  were  more
           usually suppressed or diverted to protect these and other interests.


           2.2  CULTURE AS THE OBJECT OF INQUIRY

           US foreign  communication policy, as characterized through the lens
           of the cultural imperialism paradigm, is the expression of a complex
           and  systemic  collaboration  among  media-based  conglomerates  and
           other  corporations,  the  US  military  establishment  and  other  state
           agents.  Despite the presence  of structural incoherence  in  this  policy
           field,  proponents  of the  cultural  imperialism  paradigm  continue  to
           argue  that  a  conscious  and/or  systemic  strategy  has  promoted  and
           continues to promote mass public compliance with the assumed inter-
           ests of US-based capitalists.  Beyond the vagueness of such positions,
                                   11
           theorizations  of how the American  state does this and  how  techno-
           logies,  organizations  and  institutions  facilitate  compliance  and/or
           resistance to US  interests remain underdeveloped.  Moreover,  propo-
           nents of the cultural imperialism paradigm have provided little or no
           precise  explanation  of how  international  consent  is  maintained  or,
           directly  related to this,  how a  counter-hegemonic consciousness can
           be generated.  12
              What generates these and related problems in applying the cultural
           imperialism paradigm is  its  remarkably underdeveloped understand-
           ing  of the  nature  of culture  itself.  For  Schiller  and  other  cultural
           imperialist theorists, control over the political and economic lives of
           others  is  complemented  by  control  'over  those  practices  by  which
           collectivities make sense of their lives.' 13   But beyond this generaliza-
           tion,  this cultural control apparently has  involved specific  messages
           carried  over  the  mass  media,  14   to  a  more  complex  promotion  of
           world-wide  consumerism,  15   to  the  all-encompassing  invasion  of
           capitalism writ large as itself a kind of cultural formation. This latter
           position understands capitalism to be an imperialist system and con-
           temporary globalization developments as the most recent formulation
           of  this systemic drive. As mentioned above, this occlusion of agency in
           cultural imperialism recently has been embraced by Schiller. Transna-
           tional  corporations  or  capital  writ  large,  rather  than  the  United
           States,  is  now  the  imperialist.  Again,  a  precise  explanation  of who
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