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           opportunity. As I have suggested elsewhere,  the work of Gramscian
                                                 16
           or critical international political economists remains underdeveloped
           on the subject of culture despite its central position in relation to the
           question of consent in world order. Nevertheless, the work of Robert
           Cox and others constitutes a rich point of departure for the study at
           hand.



           2.3  CULTURE AND CRITICAL INTERNATIONAL
           POLITICAL ECONOMY


           Robert Cox, like Schiller, understands that a broad range of capjtalist
           globalization activities are contributing to cultural tendencies toward
           homogenization in world order.  But unlike Schiller, Cox conceptual-
           izes this core-to-periphery movement to be 'countered by the affirma-
           tion  of distinct identities and distinct cultural traditions.' 17  Cox also
           considers states to be core structural mediators of these cultural meet-
           ings.  For Cox,  states may facilitate  or impede cultural homogeniza-
           tion.  The latter  response  may  take place  through  the  protection  of
           strategic  home  industries  through  state-based  mechanisms,  such  as
           legal  protections  or  economic  subsidies  for  domestic  mass  media,
           nationalist educational policies, support for a range of domestic insti-
           tutions and infrastructures, and so forth.
             For Cox and many other critical students of international political
           economy (IPE), the role of culture in world order is conceptually part
           of a more general Gramscian approach. The concept of hegemony is
           central to  this.  It refers  to a  process of political, economic,  military
           and cultural predominance involving  relations  among classes,  states
           and  international  institutions.  As  Stephen  Gill  writes,  'hegemony is
           not simply a form of direct ideological domination. Hegemony is won
           in  the context of a political struggle and its central goal is  to obtain
           political legitimacy for  the  arrangements preferred  by  the  dominant
           class.' 18  In effect,  hegemony,  as I understand it,  represents a process
           involving the capacity to engage in  and dominate  institutional develop-
           ments and,  when necessary,  control the form of  mediated compromises.
           On  the  role  of culture in  relation  to  this  more elaborate process  of
           hegemony, it is worth quoting Cox at length:

             The  cultural  challenge  goes  to  the  heart  of  the  question  of
             hegemony.   'Hegemony'  is ... a   structure  of  values  and
             understandings about the  nature of order that permeates a whole
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