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TEXTS, READERS, SUBJECTS 157

            specific ideological discourses. Laclau locates interpellation exclusively at the
            level of the play in and struggle over discourses. Both locate ideological struggle
            at the level of the interplay between the subject and the discursive.
              The concept of contradictory interpellations can be employed to clarify and
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            modify the sociological approach of Parkin and others,  who refer to workers
            who grant legitimacy  to a  ‘dominant ideology’  in  the abstract  but inhabit a
            ‘negotiated’ or ‘situationally defined’ ideology at the level of concrete practice.
            That is,  it can be used to clarify  the problem of  contradictory ideological
            positions, and specifically forms of corporate or sectional class-consciousness,
            without recourse to the premises of ‘false consciousness’. Parkin refers to this
            evidence as showing ‘split levels of consciousness’. However, if we introduce
            the concept of interpellation, we get rid  of  the  presumption that there is a
            prescribed, unitary, homogeneous form of class-consciousness. This allows us to
            specify the  articulation of  different, contradictory subject positions  or
            interpellations, to  which the same individual worker  (a contradictory subject,
            traversed by different discursive practices) is ‘hailed’: for example, he/she can be
            interpellated as ‘national subject’ by the television discourses of the dominant
            news media, but as ‘class/sectional’ subject by the discourses of his/her trade
            union organization or  co-workers. In this  approach the  relative  dominance of
            these contradictory interpellations and the political practices with which they are
            articulated are not given elsewhere (for instance, at the level of the formation of
            the subject) but vary with the conjuncture in which the subject is interpellated.
              This stress on contradictory interpellations  emphasizes the unstable,
            provisional and dynamic properties of positioning, rather than falling (as Parkin
            does, with his conception of ‘split levels of  consciousness’) towards a  static
            sociological ascription. The latter simply separates out into fixed proportions—
            where the subject identifies with the dominant discourses, and where he/she is in
            potential opposition to them. Again, Laclau’s conception of the ideological work
            of disarticulation—especially his argument about the way discourses can convert
            opposition and  contradiction into  mere difference, thereby neutralizing a
            potential  antagonism—is of  crucial relevance. The  stress now falls  on the
            ideological  process and  struggle itself, thus making once more  problematic a
            prescribed text/reader/subject relation.
              By ‘interdiscourse’ Pêcheux appears  to mean the  complex of discursive
            formations in any society which provide already available subject positions (the
            ‘pre-constructed’) as a necessary category of their functioning. It is clear that the
            concept of interdiscourse transforms the relation of one text/one subject to that of
            a multiplicity of texts/subjects relations, in which encounters can be understood
            not in isolation but only in the moments of their combination.
              A further consideration,  not taken  into account  in ‘screen  theory’, is  that
            subjects have histories. If it is correct to speak not of text/subject but of texts/
            subjects relations with reference to the present, it must also be the case that past
            interpellations affect present ones. While these traditional and institutionalized
            ‘traces’  (to  use Gramsci’s term) cannot in themselves determine present
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