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TEXTS, READERS, SUBJECTS 163

              individuals do have different relations to sets of discourses, in that their
              position in the social formation, their positioning in the real, will determine
              which sets of discourses a given subject is likely to encounter and in what
              ways it will do so. 23


            Willemen here returns  to the agenda—but now from a position within ‘the
            discursive’ —a set of questions about the relations between the social position of
            ‘the reader’ and discursive formations. These questions, in a more ‘sociological’
            form, were  at the centre  of Bernstein’s  early  work  and that of Bourdieu and
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            Baudelot and Establet.  Their disappearance from the discussion is, no doubt,
            attributable to that general critique of  ‘sociological approaches’  common in
            ‘screen theory’. Though  basically correct, this has sometimes been taken  to
            extreme lengths, where the mere  ascription of  the qualifier ‘sociological’ is
            enough to consign a text so stigmatized to the scrap-heap of theory.  Bernstein
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            did invite criticisms by  the overly  deterministic way in which the relation
            between class and  language  was posed in his early work. The position was
            extensively criticized, and there has been some modification on his part since
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            then.  The terms of the argument can be extensively faulted. But the questions
            addressed are not without their ‘rational core’. Willemen argues that ‘the real
            determines to a large extent the encounter of/with discourses’.  Neale observes
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            that ‘audiences are determined economically, politically and ideologically’. 28
            The basic problem with the sociological formulations is that they presumed a too
            simple, one-to-one correspondence between social structure and discourse: they
            treated language as ascribed by and inscribed in class position. Thus, as Ellis
            remarked, ‘it is assumed that the census of employment category carries with it
            both political and ideological reflections’.  This position cannot be defended or
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            sustained. It is based on a too simple notion of how classes are constituted, and
            on the ascription of fixed ideologies to whole classes. There is no conception of
            signifying practices, their relative autonomy and specific effects.
              The weaknesses in the position need not be elaborated at length. Class is not a
            unitary category with effective determination at the level of the economic only.
            There is no simple alignment between the economic,  the political  and the
            ideological in the constitution of classes. Classes do not have fixed, ascribed or
            unitary world views. In Poulantzas’s phrase, they do not carry their world views
            around like number plates on their backs.  Laclau argues that even ‘ideological
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            elements, taken in isolation, have no necessary class connotation and  this
            connotation is only the result of the articulation of those elements in a concrete
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            ideological discourse’   and the articulation of these  discourses  with  class
            practices in specific conjectures.
              Much the same problems beset Parkin’s formulations, which on other grounds
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            were highly suggestive.  Parkin’s dominant, negotiated and oppositional
            ‘meaning systems’ provided a  useful point  of departure for early work on
            ‘decoding’.   But his  framework, too,  can be faulted on  the grounds  outlined
                     33
            above. Simply, he proposed that a given section of the audience ‘either shares,
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