Page 309 - Culture Society and the Media
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MEDIA, ‘REALITY’, SIGNIFICATION  299
            such moral panics as that exemplified by the ‘mods’ and ‘rockers’ scare tended
            to be discrete and of short duration, it is contended that, particularly during the
            1970s, there has operated a ‘signification spiral’ whereby hitherto discrete and
            localized  problems—rebellious youth cultures, student protest,  industrial
            militancy, flying pickets, mugging—have been pulled into a seamless web of
            associations. Presented as manifestations of a common problem—the breakdown
            of respect for the authority of the law—it has thereby been suggested that they
            are susceptible to a common solution: an increase in the scope of the law and a
            strengthening of the means of its enforcement.
              There is not the space here to survey the details of this study. The most that
            can be attempted is a brief adumbration of the more important theoretical and
            methodological advances that are registered within it—or at least in those parts
            of it which bear most directly on the study of the media—and of the problems
            that remain. Perhaps the most important advance consists in the contention that
            the signifying or reality-defining practices of the media should not be viewed in
            isolation. In examining the axial,  coordinating signifying role accorded to the
            figure of the ‘mugger’ within the ideology of law and order between 1972 and
            1976, Policing the Crisis stresses that this was produced not merely by the media
            but by and within the context of the symbiotic relationships that exist between
            the media and other reality-defining  agencies—particularly,  in  this case, the
            courts, senior police officers and leading political spokespersons. The media did
            not ‘invent’ the law-and-order crisis ex nihilo. Nor were the policies they pursued
            the effect, in any direct or obvious sense, of the structure of media ownership.
            Nor was there a ruling-class conspiracy in which political leaders and  media
            magnates colluded in manufacturing a crisis of law and order. Rather, Hall and
            his colleagues speak of a much more subtle process whereby the definitions of the
            media and the discourse of the powerful—the framing definitions supplied by
            prominent public figures—tend to sustain and reinforce one another owing to the
            close ties of dependency that exist between them, the media depending on
            prominent  public  figures  as a primary source of newscopy just  as the  latter
            depend on the media for placing their diagnoses and prescriptions before a wider
            audience.
              Although, in this way,  the pitfalls  of conspiracy theory are avoided, some
            difficulties remain. The overall thesis of the book is that the law-andorder crisis
            has been constituted via a specific ideological inflection of Britain’s economic
            crisis and that the effect of this ideological inflection has been to deliver popular
            support for the pursuit of specific political strategies in relation to the economic
            crisis:

              There  is,  of  course, no simple consensus, even  here, as  to the nature,
              causes and extent of the crisis. But the overall tendency is for the way the
              crisis has been ideologically constructed by the dominant ideologies to win
              consent in the  media,  and thus to  constitute the substantive  basis  in
              ‘reality’ to which  public opinion  continually  refers. In this  way, by
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