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162   DIMENSIONS OF NATIONAL CULTURES


        applicants to undersell themselves. There is confirming evidence for this
        observation from two studies in a school or learning context.
            In the fi rst study, some eight hundred U.S. and eight hundred Dutch
        youngsters, aged eleven to eighteen, completed questionnaires about their
        personal competencies and problems. The Americans reported many more
        problems and competencies than the Dutch. Some items on which Ameri-
        cans scored higher were “argues a lot,” “can do things better than most
        kids,” “stores up unneeded things,” and “acts without thinking.” The only
        item on which the Dutch scored higher was “takes life easy.” Reports by
        parents and teachers showed no difference in problem behavior by these
        children, but U.S. parents rated their children’s competencies higher than
                        39
        Dutch parents did.  Young people in U.S. society have been socialized to
        boost their egos: they take both their problems and their competencies
                40
        seriously.  Young people in the Netherlands are socialized rather to efface
        the ego. An earlier comparison between the U.S. and (masculine) Germany
        had not found such differences.
            The second study compared levels of literacy across seven countries. In
        1994 representative samples comprising between two thousand and more
        than four thousand younger and older adults (aged sixteen to sixty-fi ve) all
        took the same tests to measure their literacy based on three skills: read-
        ing, writing, and using numbers. From those with the best results (literacy
        levels 4 and 5 out of 5), 79 percent of the Americans rated their own skills
                                                    41
        “excellent,” but only 31 percent of the Dutch did so —this in spite of the
        fact that the tests had shown both groups to be equally good.
            Criteria for evaluating both teachers and students differ between mas-
        culine and feminine cultures. On the masculine side, teachers’ brilliance
        and academic reputation and students’ academic performance are the domi-
        nant factors. On the feminine side, teachers’ friendliness and social skills
        and students’ social adaptation play a bigger role.

            Interviews with teachers suggest that in masculine countries, job
        choices by students are strongly guided by perceived career opportunities,
        while in feminine countries, students’ intrinsic interest in the subject plays
        a bigger role.
            In feminine countries, men and women more often follow the same
        academic curricula, at least if the country is wealthy. In poor countries,
        boys almost always get priority in educational opportunities. 42
            Different job choices by women and men can be partly explained by
        differences in perceptual abilities. Psychologists studying human percep-
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