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164   DIMENSIONS OF NATIONAL CULTURES

        jewelry; they more often consider foreign goods as more attractive than

        local products. They more often fly business class on pleasure trips.
            Feminine cultures spend more on products for the home. More people
        in these cultures take their “home” (their caravan, RV, or trailer) with them
        on vacation. They spend more on do-it-yourself carpentry, on making their
        own dresses, and, for smokers, on rolling their own cigarettes. Coffee is
        a symbol of togetherness; people in feminine cultures own more electric
        coffeemakers, guaranteeing that coffee in the home is always ready.

            People in feminine cultures buy more fiction books, and people in mas-
        culine cultures more nonfiction. U.S. author Deborah Tannen has pointed

        to differences between male and female discourse: more “report talk”
        (transferring information) for men, more “rapport talk” (using the conver-
                                                                  46
        sation to exchange feelings and establish a relationship) for women.  De
        Mooij’s data show that at the culture level, too, masculine readers are more
        concerned with data and facts; readers from feminine cultures are more
        interested in the story behind the facts.
            In Chapter 4 we saw that survey data related the frequency of Internet
        use to IDV; the Net is basically an individualistic tool. However, the use of
        the Internet for private (nonwork) purposes correlates even more with low
        MAS. Both the Internet and e-mail can be used for “rapport” purposes and
        for “report” purposes; the former usage is more frequent in less masculine
        societies. 47
            Table 5.4 is a continuation of Tables 5.2 and 5.3, summarizing the key
        issues from the past two sections.


        Masculinity and Femininity in the Workplace

        The Dutch manufacturing plant of a major U.S. corporation had lost three
        Dutch general managers in a period of ten years. To the divisional vice

        president in the United States, all these men had come across as “soft-
        ies.” They hesitated to implement unpopular measures with their person-
        nel, claiming the resistance of their works council—a body elected by
        the employees and required by Dutch law that the vice president did not
        like anyway. After the third general manager had left, the vice president
        stepped in personally and nominated the plant controller as his successor—
        ignoring strong warnings by the human resources manager. To the vice
        president, this controller was the only “real man” in the plant management
        team. He had always supported the need for drastic action, disregarding its
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