Page 47 - Discrimination at Work The Psychological and Organizational Bases
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2. INDIVIDUAL-LEVEL DISCRIMINATION
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 frequently recognize that their group is discriminated against but tend to
 deny the same level of personal experience with discrimination (Crosby,
 1984). This denial of personal discrimination may be functional; viewing
 oneself as a victim can lower one's self-esteem, lead to self-blame, and
 threaten one's sense of control (Crocker & Major, 1994). Denying discrim­
 ination, therefore, may help targets maintain a positive self-concept. In
 addition, targets who complain about being victims of discrimination are
 disliked and highly reprimanded (Kaiser & Miller, 2001), thereby reinforc­
 ing underestimation strategies.
 Alternatively, when targets feel particularly vulnerable to discrimina­
 tion but still feel able to exert some control, they become hypervigilant
 and may overestimate the amount of discrimination directed toward them
 (e.g., Hebl, Foster, Mannix, & Dovidio, 2002). To the extent that minority
 group members are sensitive to signs of rejection, dislike, or discrimina­
 tion, they may weigh the negative, subtle signals more heavily than the
 positive overt signals (Vorauer & Kumhyr, 2001).
 Given that individuals are able in some cases to identify themselves as
 victims of discrimination, the strategies that they use to deal with their
 potential victimization also determine interpersonal and interactional out­
 comes. Through concealment, Goffman (1963) observed, stigmatized in­
 dividuals can avoid many negative outcomes by attempting to "pass," or
 appear nonstigmatized. However, a preoccupation with concealment leads
 to impaired judgments and behaviors and to long-term health risks (Cole,
 Kemeny, Taylor, & Visscher, 1996).
 Another strategy involves acknowledgment, the overt mentioning or
 disclosing of one's stigma to others (e.g., Hebl & Kleck, 2002). There may
 be cases in which the stigma is not able to be concealed and is the primary
 focus of the interaction. In this case, a direct acknowledgment may actually
 reduce prejudice-related thought suppression and potentially accompany­
 ing negative affect, which can oftentimes activate stereotypes and biases
 more strongly (e.g., Macrae et al., 1994). Acknowledgment may also lead
 others to believe targets are well-adjusted and to seek out interactions they
 would normally avoid. For targets, acknowledgment leads to increased job
 satisfaction and decreased job anxiety, particularly if coworkers react well
 to acknowledgment (Griffith & Hebl, 2002).
 Still another strategy is compensation. People who perceive or anticipate
 discrimination may engage in a range of compensatory behaviors. In the
 short run, they may be especially motivated to make a good impression.
 Miller, Rothblum, Felicio, and Brand (1995) found that that overweight
 individuals who feel immediately threatened by the possibility of discrim­
 ination act in more socially skilled ways than those who do not experi­
 ence such threats. In the longer run, however, people may compensate by
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