Page 44 - Discrimination at Work The Psychological and Organizational Bases

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DOVIDIO AND HEBL
Social Context
As shown in Fig. 2.1, the social context, or composition and nature of
the relationships between members of different groups, can systematically
influence the salience of intergroup boundaries and the likelihood that
people will be seen and categorized in terms of their group memberships.
A critical aspect of the social composition of the workplace is the potential
for "tokenism."
Kanter (1977) described a "token" in her seminal work as being a mem­
ber of recognizable subgroup representing less than 15% of the total group.
Tokens often report experiencing negative feelings of distinctiveness, vul­
nerability, and a loss of self-confidence (see Niemann & Dovidio, 1998).
These feelings may have a number of organizational repercussions such as
decreased performance, less favorable performance appraisals, and fewer
opportunities to advance. Feelings of distinctiveness, based on race or
gender, can also arouse "stereotype threat" in which people behave in
ways that conform to the cultural stereotype of their group, even when
such behaviors have an adverse effect on performance (Sekaquaptewa &
Thompson, 2003; Steele, 1997).
Another aspect of the social context that influences whether social cate­
gorization will occur is the perceived functional relationship between the
ingroup and outgroup. Theories based on functional relations often point
to competition and consequent perceived threat as a fundamental cause of
discrimination. Realistic group conflict theory (Campbell, 1965), for exam­
ple, posits that in the context of perceived group competition, discrimina­
tion becomes an instrument for protecting the resources and opportunities
for one's group. Contexts that arouse perceptions of group competition
produce or increase the salience of ideologies that justify discrimination
(Jost et al., 2001).
Alternatively, the social context may be structured in a way that reduces
discrimination. The importance of the nature of the social context is also
emphasized in the long tradition of work on the contact hypothesis (All­
port, 1954). This hypothesis proposes that simple contact between groups is
not sufficient to improve intergroup relations. Rather, prerequisite features
must be present (e.g., equal status between groups, cooperative interaction,
opportunities for personal acquaintance between the members, and norms
that support interaction both within and outside of the contact situation).
Both laboratory and field research generally support the improvement of
intergroup relations and reductions of bias toward stigmatized individu­
als when these prerequisite criteria have been established (see Pettigrew &
Tropp, 2000).
Intergroup contact, appropriately structured, can reduce bias and dis­
crimination by influencing processes at the earliest stages of the model