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244   Celia Roberts


                          care practitioners or psychologists (Ong, DeHaes, Hoos and Lammes 1995). In
                          comparison, the output from linguistics has been small. Candlin and Candlin
                          (2003: 135) with reference to the major applied and sociolinguistic journals re-
                          mark that “one finds the occasional paper, but no real sense of ongoing commit-
                          ment to the health care communication field”. Only a very small fraction of
                          these thousands of articles are focused on intercultural communication (Skel-
                          ton, Kai and Loudon 2001).



                          3.     Difference as “cultural”

                          The research traditions of medical sociology and sociolinguistics, although not
                          focused on ethnic notions of interculturality, conceptualize the health profes-
                          sional–patient encounter as one of difference in which the medical system is
                          characterized as “a cultural system” (Kleinman 1988). The different perspectives
                          and knowledge structures about, for example, AIDS or genetics, and managing
                          social relations are broadly intercultural in that professionals and clients/patients
                          are seen as voicing different world views (Mishler 1984). The sociolinguistic lit-
                          erature on healthcare settings has looked at inequalities in medical discourse
                          (Freeman and Heller 1987), and healthcare generally (McKay and Pittam 2002)
                          asymmetrical power relations (Ainsworth-Vaughn 1998, Wadak 1997) and how
                          they are co-constructed in consultations (ten Have 1995) and, in particular, the
                          gendered nature of such relations (Fisher 1995; West 1984), as well as social
                          class (Todd 1984), the discursive representation of health and illness (Fisher and
                          Todd 1983; Fleischman 2001; Hyden and Mishler 1999); and how different
                          medical conditions shape the discourse of the consultation (Hamilton 2004).
                             The sociologically based studies of the consultation share with intercultural
                          communication studies a concern with inferential processes and the potential
                          for miscommunication which can feed into more structured social inequalities
                          in healthcare. Cicourel (1983) examines the miscommunication when doctor
                          and patient have different belief structures about the cause of an illness (see also
                          Tannen and Wallet 1986). He argues that much of the misunderstanding that
                          arises out of diagnostic reasoning stems from tacit clinical experience and from
                          everyday understanding that is presumed to be shared knowledge. Similarly,
                          Atkinson (1995) and Silverman (1987) drawing on seminal work on the ritual
                          aspects of the consultation, analyse the powerful discourses that determine the
                          patients’ treatment.
                             As well as the cultural differences between health professional discourse
                          and the lifeworld discourses of the patient, there are increasing tensions and
                          instabilities between professional discourses and the wider institutional dis-
                          courses of healthcare organization, as new types of communicative genres come
                          into being (Iedema and Scheeres 2003; Cook-Gumperz and Messerman 1999).
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