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80  Angela Zito

               Ginsburg’s own project on indigenous media as it has enabled the formation
             of  new  forms  of  community  and  subjectivity  provides  a  fine  example  of
             such intervention. Her essay, “Re-thinking the ‘Voice of God’ in Indigenous
             Australia: Secrecy, Exposure and the Efficacy of Media,” analyzes the shift
             in  documenting  (on  film  and  then  video)  that  has  occurred  in  aborigine
             communities  in  post-war  Australia.  This  work  moved  from  the  hands  of
             outsiders who captured native religious life “on film primarily as texts for
             Anglo-Euro  consumption  and  study”  to  aboriginal  activists’  own  media-
             making  activities  (2005:  193).  She  analyzes  the  filming  of  the  important
             Walpiri fire ceremony on several occasions: the first film by anthropologist
             Roger Sandall in 1977 was viewed by Walpiri male elders and “unexpectedly
             re-signified  and  actively  appropriated  as  authoritative”  (2005:  194).  The
             elders  decided  to  perform  the  ceremony  again,  filming  it  themselves.  It
             was then shot a third time, in 1991. Each of these films circulated in fits
             and  starts,  moving  in  and  out  of  visibility.  In  contradistinction  to  Euro-
             American expectations of informational transparency and flow, the Walpiri
             are compelled to balance need for religious ritual secrecy with authoritative
             transmission of cultural knowledge.
               Because Ginsburg so carefully and flexibly follows several moments of
             mediation, charting the agencies at work through the moments of practices
             of objectification in film of other cultural practices like ritual, she can show
             “that  moving  image  media  technologies  carry  within  them  contradictory
             potentialities…” and raise “key questions for us regarding religion, media,
             and the public sphere, and offer a cautionary tale regarding the profound
             ethnocentrism that too often blinds the ways in which we understand media
             and its relationship to collective religious expression” (2005: 200–1).
               Birgit Meyer’s ongoing work in Ghana likewise approaches culture (and
             religion) as practices of mediation in the broad sense I am encouraging.
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             In  her  early  fieldwork  among  Ewe  Pentecostalists,  she  noted  how  their
             appropriation  of  Christianity  depended  heavily  on  the  mediating  figure
             of the Devil. His centrality paradoxically allows for the ongoing tangible
             presence of Ewe traditional gods and spirits, now considered demonic but
             existent  and  formidable  nonetheless  (Meyer  1999,  2005,  2006a).  In  her
             later work on Pentecostalist videos that intersect with the rising market for
             entertainment and broadcast media, wide open since state monopoly was
             relaxed, she writes of


               taking as a point of departure an understanding of religion as a practice of
               mediation, creating and maintaining links between religious practitioners
               as  well  as  between  them  and  the  invisible,  inaudible,  untouchable,  or
               simply,  spiritual  world  which  forms  the  center  of  religious  attention.
               This realm is constructed by mediation, yet—and here lies the power of
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