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62                                                  GERBNER ET AL.

           A May 1999 Nielsen report noted that although people in Internet
        homes watch less television, “analyses of the same homes before they had
        Internet access revealed that they were lighter TV viewers to begin with.
        There is currently almost no indication that Internet access cannibalizes
        television usage; instead, it offers a targeted vehicle to supplement adver-
        tising reach among these lighter television viewers” (Nielsen, 1999).
        Moreover, a great deal of Web usage takes place at work—nearly 23 hours
        a month at the end of 2000—extending the reach of advertisers to the
        workplace as well (Nielsen, 2000). This shows quite clearly that although
        the Internet may provide access to alternative channels of information, it
        can also deepen and sharpen the reach of dominant media corporations.
           Still, only a tiny minority uses the Internet for viewing video or listen-
        ing to audio programs as an alternative to dominant message providers.
        Even when the Internet provides new delivery systems that threaten
        dominant interests, as in the case of Napster, it is quickly swallowed up
        within the existing institutional structure. Despite widespread hopes (and
        fears) that the Internet will make possible a new information highway
        that may replace standard mass media, there are no popular Internet or
        Web-based programs that yet threaten the network-cable alliance; on the
        contrary, networks and cable channels are working feverishly to drive
        their viewers to their Web sites, to allow them to obtain more personal
        information from viewers, and to create another platform for advertising
        exposures. At most, the most popular online services such as AOL gain
        audience share at any given time comparable to that of CNN or MTV,
        which is a rather small and specialized audience. Also, the dot-com frenzy
        of 1999 gave way to a much more sober atmosphere for Web entertain-
        ment, with many start-ups closing, having failed to make a single penny
        of profit. Moreover, a November 2000 study by Burke, Inc., found that
        viewers with home Internet access spend 4 hours a week watching televi-
        sion while online (“Individuals with Internet Access,” 2000). The report
        noted that although “some have suggested that the Internet is killing TV,”
        the results “show that Internet use not only coexists with TV viewing, it
        can encourage and enhance the viewing experience.” Thus, cultivation
        theorists continue to proceed under the assumption that TV is “the domi-
        nant feature of Americans’ free time” (Robinson & Godbey, 1997).
           Channels will continue to proliferate, by cable, satellite, and digital
        transmission. New developments such as digital video recorders will
        become more common, allowing viewers to more easily indulge their
        own personal programming tastes (and, maybe, to ignore commercials).
        Digital technologies for storing and manipulating personal video libraries
        will continue to emerge, as will options for direct, on-demand delivery of
        special programs through more versatile set-top boxes (which may also
        include DVRs and high-speed Internet connections). The broadcast net-
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