Page 161 - Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture
P. 161

146  .  Ethnically Correct  Dolls

       market multiculturalism required material and  economic  resources  often
       beyond  their  reach.  This  hardly meant  that themes  of race and  racism
       were  absent from  children's  toy kits. Newhallville children's  commen-
       taries about  race  and  its boundaries  did not  conform to the  limits  pro-
       posed  by toy manufacturers.  Looking closely at children's interactions
       with  their  toys,  and  especially in girls'  relationships  with  their  dolls—
       who  were  often  white—children's understanding  of the  complexities  of
       race  in society continually surfaced in acute  and  perceptive  commen-
       taries that  took note not  just of race  but  several forms  of inequality, in-
       cluding class, gender, and  age. These  children thought  about,  used,  and
       spoke about their playthings in ways that directly challenged the assump-
       tions about the fixity of race evident in ethnically correct toys. These chil-
       dren  did not  appear  to  view race  as a range  of solid, immutable  cate-
       gories.  Likewise,  children's  commentaries  reveal their  understanding
       that racialized commodities  can  only incompletely embody the  experi-
       ences of kids who  are racial beings, but  also poor, working class, young,
       ghettoized, and  gendered.
          In looking at these girls' relationships with their dolls, some thorny is-
       sues are raised in relation to the claims and assertions made by producers
       of ethnically correct  dolls about  the power  of self-esteem  through  con-
       sumption  of racial  signifiers.  Large numbers of girls in Newhallville  had
       white  dolls,  not  ethnically correct  ones.  In their  interactions  with  these
       dolls, girls seemed to be engaged in a project whose progressive potential
       was much greater than the one offered  by producers of ethnically  correct
       toys. While toymakers commoditize racial difference  but pay little atten-
       tion to  issues  of social class, Newhallville girls  seemed  to have  relatively
       flexible notions about  the  barriers posed  by dolls'  skin color, as well as
       other  racial  signifiers,  especially hair. These girls  also  did not  limit  their
       view of difference  or inequality  to  race  but  remained  keenly aware of
       class difference.  These children's interactions with their dolls reveal their
       sophisticated  but rarely enunciated understanding  of the intertwined na-
       ture of forms of social inequality.
          In Newhallville commodities have  become racialized, and the discus-
       sion of race  has  become commodified as well. The complex  commen-
       taries  on race that I argue take place  among  Newhallville girls are  not
       speech per se. This is in large part  because speaking about  race in words
       has taken on manufactured  forms akin to the ethnically correct toy. This
       process  has not  curbed the power  of race to  shape  the consciousness of
       kids, but  the modes  used to  speak  about  race are often  formulaic  and
       constrained  by the sound-bite format. Newhallville kids are enormously
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