Page 167 - Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture
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152  .  Ethnically Correct  Dolls

       I knew possessed  any of the ethnically correct  toys available at the  time.
       The market for ethnically correct  toys has been explicitly built upon  the
       buying power  of the black middle class; marketing and publicity materi-
       als often  note  the  hefty  amount  of money spent  by black consumers  on
       toys—$745.6 million in 1992-93 according  to Ebony magazine press
       materials. While this  is sound  business practice  (marketing toys to  the
       poor is unlikely to  generate much revenue), it forces manufacturers of
       ethnically correct toys into an uncomfortable  position, arguing  on the
       one hand that these toys are good  because they serve an important  social
       function,  and on the other that it is not their responsibility to make these
       products  available to economically disadvantaged  kids. If ethnically cor-
       rect toys are primarily about self-esteem, it stands to reason that minority
       children who are also poor  are more  likely than  their better-off  peers to
       face challenges in creating positive feelings about themselves. It is around
       the question  of poor minority children that  the conflicts between social
       agendas and business realities manifest themselves most dramatically.
          For kids in Newhallville,  access  to  the  retailers  offering  these toys
       was  often  difficult,  if they had  it  at  all. There  were  no  local neighbor-
       hood  stores where playthings could  be purchased,  and  the  downtown
       mall housed  only  Kay-Bee, a toy  store  specializing  in manufacturing
       overruns  and  discontinued  items.  Toys-R-Us was  located  in the  next
       town  and  all but  inaccessible by public transport.  In an  area  where  40
       percent  of households do not  have cars, Toys-R-Us  was,  for most fami-
       lies, visited only on special occasions.  Remember that  until he was eleven
       years  old  Davy  had  never visited  Toys-R-Us  and  did  not  even  know
       what that  store  was. Similarly Tionna  told  me her favorite store was the
       supermarket; Carlos's  favorite store was Ames (a discount chain) but, he
       told me,  "they  went  bankrupt."  Though  these children  often  were well
       informed  about  the  toys  they did  not  have from  watching  television,
       they had,  on the whole,  few illusions about  being able to possess  them.
          In a subtle and unexamined way, then, even minority toymakers have
       been committed  to enhancing the play lives of minority children only as
       long  as these  children  could  buy their  products—which  involved  not
       only having the money to  make the purchase, but  having the ability to
       get to the store where the items could be bought. The breadth of this so-
       cial agenda is circumscribed by the limits of business and,  in a sense, mi-
       nority entrepreneurs while  seeking to  multiculturalize the market have
       been attempting  to  do  so while  being  fully  assimilated  into  corporate
       culture. As Yla  Eason  put  it when  she spoke at  the  1993  Ebony  event,
       "The  marketing strategy is forming alliances and creating ethnic streams
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