Page 169 - Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture
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154  .  Ethnically Correct  Dolls

       make enough  money to  keep itself  afloat, and  it  is unfair  to  single  out
       minority toymakers for not participating more fully  in their stated social
       agenda. The entire toy  industry, not  just minority-owned  companies,
       grapples with  the tensions  generated  by being  a business that  makes
       money  from  providing the well-being tools  for  enjoyable  childhoods;
       the larger  companies,  such as Hasbro,  run  their  own foundations  fund-
       ing community projects, and the industry as a whole funds  several foun-
       dations  devoted to  providing toys,  clothes,  and  services to  needy chil-
       dren.  Nevertheless, the  degree to  which  business realities are at  odds
       with  the claims toward  improving self-esteem  among  minority children
       has  been steeply underplayed. A few months  after  my exchange  with
       Eason, she was  quoted  in a  leading toy-industry publication  as saying,
       "For  us, it's  not just a stream of revenue. It's  an issue of self-esteem. Our
       mission  is honestly to  make black children  feel  good  about themselves,
       to  feel  good  in the  skin they're  in"  (Shapiro 1993). As long  as they can
       afford  it, that is.
          Consumption  has been examined by several scholars as a profoundly
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       feminized,  and  thus  gendered, activity;  looking  at  ethnically  correct
       toys is one way to understand  the ways in which consumption  is also an
       experience that  is also deeply "raced"  and  "classed." For Newhallville
       kids,  the  whole  sphere  of  consumption  is  itself  often  conceptually
       "white," other, and  suffused  with the attendant  pain of inequality based
       on discrimination  due to race and economic background. When I asked
       a group  of kids one day to tell me how white people talk, a twelve-year-
       old  boy not  only  began talking  the way  he thought white  kids  did,  but
       moving like them.  "Let's go to the mall and buy some rags," he drawled,
       adopting a clumsy, gangling walk. For him, the mall was the province of
       white  kids,  and  shopping  one  of their  signature  activities.  By implica-
       tion, this world was not one that included kids like himself.

       Shani and the Marketing of Blackness
       The  commodification  of race  and  the  introduction  of racialized com-
       modities have not  erased the color  line so much as they have replaced it
       with  lines of  color,  an  array  of products  intended  for  minority  con-
       sumers. The  Shani line of dolls introduced  by Mattel in  1991  illustrates
       the  way  in which  ethnically correct  dolls  solidify  racial categories in
       problematic ways. Developed in consultation  with  African  American
       psychologist Darlene Powell Hopson, the dolls are designed to represent
       African  American variety. Hopson  had  advocated  that  the  dolls  also
       have different  body types and  different  hair textures  (DuCille  1996,  50),
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