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            on a human recognition of a “significant” pattern is somewhat unfortunate, as we
            will bring our own biases to the process. At worst we only pay attention to those
            patterns that confirm our current prejudices: what Wyszomirski et al. (1999) call
            the WYWIWYG—What You Want is What You Get—fallacy. At best, we will only
            recognise those patterns that match the wiring of the human visual system and
            our cultural experiences. The existence of visualisation techniques generally points
            up the fact that humans are better at perceiving some patterns than others, and in
            some media than others—it is easier to see an event as a movie and not a binary
            representation of the movie file displayed as text. However, in addition to standard
            physiological and psychological restrictions on pattern recognition consistent to all
            people, it is also increasing apparent there are cultural differences in perceptions.
            Whether there is some underlying biological norm for the perception of time and
            space is still moot (Nisbett and Masuda 2003; Boroditsky 2001), but it is clear that
            some elements of pattern recognition vary by either culture or genetics (Nisbett
            and Masuda 2003; Chua et al. 2005). Even when one looks at the representation of
            patterns and elements like colour, there are clear arguments for a social influence
            on the interpretation of even very basic stimuli into perceptions (Roberson et al.
            2004). Indeed, while there is a clear and early ability of humans to perceive moving
            objects in a scene as associated in a pattern (e.g. Baird et al. 2002), there are
            cultural traits associated with the age at which even relatively universal patterns are
            appreciated (Clement et al. 1970). The more we can objectify the process, therefore,
            the less our biases will impinge on our understanding. In many respects it is easier
            to remove human agents from data comparison and knowledge development than
            pattern hunting, as patterns are not something machines deal with easily. The
            unsupervised recognition of even static patterns repeated in different contexts is far
            from computationally solved (Bouvrie and Sinha 2007), though significant advances
            have been made in recent years (Druzhkov and Kustikova 2016). Most pattern-
            hunting algorithms try to replicate the process found in humans, and in that sense
            one suspects we would do better to skip the pattern hunting and concentrate on data
            consistency and the comparison of full datasets directly. At best we might say that
            an automated “pattern” hunter that wasn’t trying to reproduce the human ability
            would instead seek to identify attractors within the data.
              Figure 10.1 presents several visualisation methods that are commonly found in
            the literature, ranging from 1D time-series representation (a) to contour plots (d)
            that could be potentially used for 4D representation.
              Visualisations are plainly extremely useful. Here we’ll look at a couple of
            techniques that are of use in deciphering individual-level data: phase maps and
            recurrence plots. Both techniques focus on the representation of individual-level
            states and the relationships between stated individuals.
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