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86 COLIN SPARKS

            internally  structured  activity  which  gave  new  meanings  to  the  elements
            within it which bore only contingent relations to the meanings with which
            they were invested within other cultures.
              Both  the  desire  to  trace  the  class  origins  of  particular  styles  and  the
            efforts at reading yielded extremely interesting and valuable material. The
            theoretical problem, from the standpoint of Althusserian marxism, was in
            the  link  between  the  two  elements.  The  expressive  theory  of  subcultures
            pointed  back  to  the  earlier  humanist  model,  while  the  theory  of  style
            pointed towards the new structural marxist model.
              The  problem  was  very  clearly  identified  by  one  ultra-orthodox
            schismatic from the Centre in a review of Resistance through Rituals which
            is worth quoting at some length. The authors, she argued, had attempted to
            combine a reductivist account of the class determination of culture with an
            ‘ideological’  reading  of  signification:  they  had  failed  to  resolve  this
            impossible contradiction:

              We now begin to see more clearly some of the consequences of these
              theoretical premises: the social formation is understood in terms of an
              essential  division  between  capital  and  labour  which  is  directly
              reflected  in  economic  classes,  which  themselves  are  reflected  at  the
              level of culture and ideology. Thus, the theory remains fundamentally
              committed  to  a  conception  of  economic  determination,  with  the
              economic understood, not as production and exchange relations, but
              as relations between monolithic classes, which are knowable through
              the object ‘consciousness’. Even though the analysis appears at first to
              give  attention  to  the  ideological  level,  it  becomes  clear,  when  its
              conception  of  the  social  formation  is  analysed,  that  there  is  no
              autonomy  attributed  to  the  inscription  of  ideological  or  political
              representations  which  become  simply  functions  or  expressions  of
              economic interest. In this way, issues such as the conceptualisation of
              the  feminist  movement  or  the  possibility  of  politically  reactionary
              positions of the working class are either ignored or, in the latter case,
              invested with a radical potential which is displaced according to the
              distortions operated by bourgeois ideology.
                                                          (Coward, 1977:90)

            The collective attempt to rebut these charges was not really successful and
            the  problems  remained  unresolved  in  this  phase  of  cultural  studies
            (Chambers et al., 1977–8).
              We  can  observe  another  aspect  of  the  problem  if  we  briefly  trace  the
            Centre’s thinking about the relationship of ideology to the mass media. The
            development of the ‘encoding/decoding’ model of television discourse, and
            its elaboration into a version of the ‘dominant ideology thesis’, was one of
            Hall’s  major  intellectual  achievements  during  the  period.  It  seems  first  to
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