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                   problem since the thin democracy is ‘democracy without citizens’. The professionals
                   provide important services to party elites and particularly to political leaders. An
                   important service is also provided by the use of professional persuasive
                   communication to make people believe the inevitability of developments against
                   which public opinion is overwhelmingly negative, such as the Iraqi invasion or the EU
                   expansion. The need of this kind of professional service will grow stronger as politics
                   becomes more the management of elite interests.This makes it necessary, in very skilful
                   ways, to persuade common people that the decisions taken for them, without them
                   and often against their interests, are, in some miraculous way, good for them. In a
                   democracy without citizens professional political communication serves ‘the control of
                   information by policy elites’as Dahl argues in Bennett & Entman (2001,p.469).

                   The professionalisation of political communication fits perfectly well in the liberal
                   theory of democracy. Professionalisation reinforces the role of people not as active
                   participants but as passive supporters of those who represent them.


                   The focus of the professionals is very much upon the operation of democratic
                   institutions. This maintains the suggestion that the efficient operation of these
                   institutions equals democracy and that these institutions offer citizens real choices and
                   participation in real choice making.


                   If one would take a different normative choice and opt for ‘strong democracy’, the
                   services of the political communication professionals look rather more questionable.
                   They are not directed at the facilitation of the active engagement of citizens with the
                   political management of the state. They do not contribute to the creation of a broad
                   well-informed polity. They protect the elected against the interference of those who
              The Professionalisation of Political Communication
                   elect them.

                   The current modality of professionalisation renders politics the expert arena where
                   professionals do what they do, while citizens elect them to do so. And Barber writes,
                   ‘Strong democracy is the politics of amateurs, where every man is compelled to
                   encounter every other man without the intermediary of expertise’ (2003, p. 152). In a
                   participatory democracy the citizens are in fact the professionals who communicate
                   with other citizens.

                   In the ‘strong democracy’ model, democracy is – beyond an institutional and legal
                   framework – primarily a way of thinking. It is a modality of thought about the
                   distribution and execution of power that acknowledges the sovereignty of people.The
                   democratic way of life requires knowledge, attitudes and skills that are not necessarily
                   part of the human genetic constitution. The conditions for democratic quality need to
                   be learned and the learning process should start very early. The training on how to
                   become a democratic citizen should, at the latest, begin when children reach school
                   age, but preferably already earlier in families. Since it may be expected that many
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