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152          Communication,  Commerce and Power

           on their behalf. Perhaps most fundamental and least understood is the
           role  played by  the state in  the negotiation of common-sense percep-
           tions of 'reality' in the international political economy.  Since the late
           1980s, the only state capable of mediating such conceptual transfor-
           mations has been the  American state.  The end of the  twentieth cen-
           tury has been a moment of historic transition involving, among other
           things,  a  struggle  to  reform  the  structural  and  conceptual  bases
           through which capitalist activities will continue.
             The domestic structures through which US foreign communication
           policy is articulated were  reformed in response to the crisis involving
           the disjuncture  between free  flow  policy and the needs  of the Amer-
           ican information economy.  In response to a  diversity  of mostly US-
           based  service  sector  corporations,  existing  communication  policy
           agencies  began  to  adopt  free  trade  as  a  complementary  policy
           approach.  Meanwhile,  the  USTR emerged  to  pursue  unprecedented
           international  trade in  services  and intellectual property rights  agree-
           ments. The ascendancy of the USTR and its adoption of telecommun-
           ications and other free  flow-related issues  previously handled by the
           State Department, Commerce and others compelled a more compre-
           hensive but not altogether unproblematic restructuring of these agen-
           cies  under  the  new  free-trade  effort.  This  period  in  which  the
           American  state  was  reformed  in  order  then  to  reform  international
           institutions and foreign government policies successfully involved not
           only  changes  in  the  mechanics  of  communication  policy,  it  also
           involved changes in the ways in which officials think about policy.




           NOTES
               Jill Hills,  The Democracy Gap (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991) p. 51.
               It should be noted that Hills' use of the term 'structural regulation' is not
               related to references to state structures found in this book.
           2   These companies collectively constituted about three-quarters of AT &T's
               1981  assets  of  $145  billion.  On  the  divestiture,  see  Jeremy  Tunstall,
               Communications  Deregulation  (Oxford:  Basil  Blackwell,  1986)  pp.  89-
               114.  Also  see  US  Department  of  Commerce,  'NTIA  Telecom  2000:
               Charting  the  Course  for  a  New  Century'  (Washington,  DC:  NTIA,
               October  1988) pp. 430--3.
           3   While  communications  'deregulation'  most  notably  began  with  a
               Supreme Court ruling in  1968  permitting users  of the  telephone  system
               to connect non-AT&T equipment onto the system, the AT&T divestiture
               constituted  a  radical leap  toward structural regulation  due  to its  mam-
               moth  scale.  Just  before  its  divestiture  in  1984,  AT&T  was  the  largest
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