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156          Communication,  Commerce and Power

               preeminance of US efforts to secure free trade through the GA TI and
               other  means  rather  than  an  international  foreign  direct  investment
               regime.  One reason is that

                trade  is  a  less  sensitive  matter  than  FDI [foreign  direct  investment]
                and, therefore, lends itself to faster action and results. FDI involves the
                [direct  and  visible)  control  of economic  activities  by  foreigners  and
                some  key  issues  surrounding  FDI ... belong  to  the  most  intractable
                international public-policy issues, particularly between developed and
                developing countries.-lnternational Transactions in Services, p.  311.
           38   The  inclusion of services  was  largely  the result  of three factors.  First,
               most  West  European  countries  came  to  recognize  that  they  held  a
               potentially  competitive  position  in  services  and  telecommunications,
               but  still  preferred  their  gradual  liberalization  due  to  the  recognition
               that some catching-up through a protected and cooperative EC indus-
               trial  strategy was  required.  Second,  the  prospective development  of a
               Canada-US  FTA,  and  a  North  American  FTA,  led  Europeans  and
               other GATT members  to consider a  US  GA TI retreat and the  emer-
               gence  of a relatively closed regional policy to be a feasible  US option.
               And third, foreign  public and private sector officials took seriously the
               growing rhetoric emerging from the US Congress involving the applica-
               tion  of new  US  protectionist  strategies.  See  Ibid,  pp.  464-65.  A  New
                York  Times article published at the end of 1990 discussed the potential
               collapse of the GATT negotiations:
                'Let's face it,' said an American negotiator who spoke on the condition
                that he not be  identified, 'there are  other avenues that we  can take -
                bilateral arrangements  .... It's chiefly developing countries that will be
                hurt by a collapse here.' ... Commerce Secretary Robert A. Mosbacher
                put it more succinctly in a conversation with several American repor-
                ters ... : 'We could  be  okay  either  way.  The  US  always  could make
                regional or other agreements. In all truth, we're doing this now.' From
                Clyde  H.  Farnsworth,  'If One  Conference  Fails,  the  US  Has Alter-
                natives,' New  York Times (4 December 1990) p. C5.

           39   One  reason  for  this  was  that analysts interested in  LDC development
               tended  to focus  on present-day implications of direct TNC investment
               and related activities. Among established Northern analysts, little would
               be gained (either professionally or financially) from efforts radically to
               reconceptualize  the  terms  on  which  the  trade  in  services  debate  had
               recently developed. Drake and Nicolaidis, 'Ideas, Interests, and Institu-
               tionalization,' p.  64.
           40   For  a  critique  on  the  neoclassical  economic  assumptions  informing
               most free trade in services proponents, see Robert E. Babe, 'Information
               Industries  and  Economic  Analysis,'  in  Michael  Gurevitch  and
               Mark  R.  Levy  (eds),  Mass  Communication  Review  Yearbook,  vol.  5
               (Beverly  Hills:  Sage,  1985)  pp.  535--46.  On conceptual  and analytical
               problems concerning information commodities and the communicative
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