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                                      The cultural politics of difference



                     insofar as it focused on the needs and complaints of specific social
                     groups defined by ethnicity or race. A threat to national stability
                     and traditional values, according to Arthur Schlesinger, multi-
                     culturalism could even lead to the ‘disuniting of  America’
                     (Schlesinger, 1991). At the other extreme, radical critics tended to
                     see multiculturalism as a strategy of containment, accepting the
                     need to recognise and foster the cultural diversity of a society,
                     but within the pre-established and overarching institutions and
                     values that traditionally harboured discriminatory and ex-
                     ploitative policies.  According to this argument, society and
                     culture are irreparably marked by divisions of class, gender and
                     race that are repressed by unitary conceptions of culture, even if
                     these are ethnically multicultural. To cite an American example
                     again: ‘Such pluralism tolerates the existence of salsa, it enjoys
                     Mexican restaurants, but it bans Spanish as a medium of instruc-
                     tion in American schools. Above all it refuses to acknowledge the
                     class basis of discrimination and the systematic economic
                     exploitation of minorities that underlie postmodern culture’
                     (JanMohamad & Lloyd, 1990, p. 8).
                       Multicultural theory has increasingly tended to invoke ethnic
                     ‘difference’ as in itself a discursively and politically subversive
                     category. Writing from a country where multiculturalism con-
                     ventionally denoted ‘ethnicity’ rather than ‘race’,  Australian
                     feminist Sneja Gunew, now Professor of English at the Univer-
                     sity of British Columbia, argued that it would ‘deconstruct’ the
                     dominant unitary national narratives, become ‘a strategy which
                     interrogates hegemonic unities’ and thereby establish the ‘basis
                     for constructing “signifying breakthroughs”, the preconditions for
                     a revolutionary, non-repetitive, history’ (Gunew, 1985, p. 188).
                     Later, she would borrow from Michael Fischer the notion of a
                     poetics of ethnicity, which could seek ‘mutual illuminations in
                     reading those juxtaposed dialogic texts or utterances that swerve
                     away from... binary structures’, and thereby substitute ‘irony
                     . . . for authenticity’ (Gunew, 1994, p. 49; cf. Fischer, 1986). Writing
                     from a country where multiculturalism often denoted ‘race’,
                     Stuart Hall’s work of the 1990s increasingly gave pride of theor-
                     etical place to the relatedly ‘diasporic’ issues of multiculturalism
                     and ‘hybridity’, postcolonialism and globalisation. Interestingly,

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