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ContCultural Theory Text Pages  4/4/03  1:42 PM  Page 147





                                      The cultural politics of difference



                     play, most obviously Gramsci and Williams (Said, 1995). For
                     Spivak, however, the issue became much more pressing, if only
                     because she is not only the translator into English of Derrida’s
                     Of Grammatology, but also a famously ‘obscure’ deconstruction-
                     ist critic in her own right (Derrida, 1976; Spivak, 1999; Eagleton,
                     1999). Hence her tortuous discussion of the (im)possibility of
                     ‘subaltern’ speech and its equally tortuous rewriting in A Critique
                     of Postcolonial Reason. In both versions, Spivak argued for the
                     theoretical superiority of Derridean deconstruction over
                     Foucauldian genealogy and Deleuzian rhizomatics. But in the
                     earlier essay she had been much more explicit: ‘Derrida...is less
                     dangerous...than the first-world intellectual masquerading as
                     the absent nonrepresenter who lets the oppressed speak for them-
                     selves...he  articulates the  European Subject’s tendency to
                     constitute the Other as marginal to ethnocentrism and locates that
                     as the problem of all logocentric... endeavors’ (Spivak, 1988,
                     pp. 292–3; cf. Spivak, 1999, pp. 279–81). Hence the conclusion that
                     the ‘subaltern cannot speak’, which is neither explicitly reaffirmed
                     nor withdrawn in the rewritten version (Spivak, 1988, p. 308;
                     Spivak, 1999, p. 308–11).
                       One way out of the dilemma is suggested by Spivak’s notion
                     of ‘strategic essentialism’: ‘strategically adhering to the essentialist
                     notion of consciousness, that would fall prey to an anti-humanist
                     critique, within a historiographic practice that draws many of
                     its strengths from that very critique’ (Spivak, 1987, pp. 206–7).
                     Which means, in short, that whatever deconstruction’s theoretical
                     purchase when directed at European, white, male, bourgeois
                     humanism, postcolonial theorists must nonetheless proceed as if
                     humanism were still valid,  as if the subject had still not been
                     decentred,  as if deconstruction had failed, if ever they are
                     adequately to represent insurgent, or subaltern, consciousness.
                     As Spivak continued: ‘the Subaltern Studies group... must
                     remain committed to the subaltern as the subject of history. As
                     they choose this strategy, they reveal the limits of the critique of
                     humanism as produced in the West’ (p. 209). This resort to a kind
                     of ‘strategic’ humanism is neither as shocking nor as original as
                     Spivak believed. It is reminiscent, at one level, of Derrida’s
                     decision to exempt Marxism from deconstructive critique in his

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