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20 INTRODUCTION

            There  is, despite all their radical  differences, a  common starting-point  here
            between  Durkheim and Marx—in Marx’s  insistence that we must start with
            relations, and Durkheim’s insistence that the object of social science is ‘the social
            sui generis’. On the irreducibility of a ‘structure’ to the conscious intentions of
            its individual  elements  both agree—at least  as  to  this necessary level  of
            abstraction. There the salient compatibilities end. For where Durkheim isolated
            ‘the social’  (as Lévi-Strauss, following him,  abstracted ‘the cultural’), Marx
            insisted on the relations between  material relations—thinking of ‘societies’ as
            ensembles. And where Lévi-Strauss centred his analysis on the ‘rule’, the codes
            and formal oppositions, Marx worked from relations  and contradictions.
            Nevertheless, the manner in which Althusser attempted to rethink structuralism
            on  Marxist foundations owed much more to  Lévi-Strauss  (and through  him,
            inevitably,  to Durkheim) than he  or his followers have been  willing to
            acknowledge.
              Althusser’s impact is harder to detail satisfactorily. Here one can only select
            certain key themes. The first is the break (powerfully established in the early For
            Marx essays) with expressive and totalizing ways of thinking  about  the
            relationships between different practices in a social formation. It is well known
            that there are more ways than one in which this rethinking appears in his work.
            There is the notion of societies as necessarily complex, unevenly determining
            and determinate  practices, caught  in his concepts of ‘relative autonomy’  and
            ‘overdetermination’.  There is the full-blown ‘structural causality’ of  Reading
            Capital, where each practice is only the condensed effect of the structure as a
            whole. The differences between these positions cannot be commented on further
            here. Crudely, the important innovation was the attempt to think the ‘unity’ of a
            social formation in terms of an articulation. This posed the issues of the ‘relative
            autonomy’ of the cultural-ideological level and a new concept of social totality:
            totalities as complex structures.
              Second, but closely related, was Althusser’s attempt to reformulate the
            problem of determination in a non-reductionist way (or ways). Third, there were
            the varied, sometimes internally inconsistent, ways in which he defined ideology.
            This work on ideology was of special relevance to Cultural Studies. It revived two
            earlier  stresses and added two new ones.  It reasserted the  conception of
            ideologies as practices rather than as systems of ideas. It defined ideologies as
            providing the frameworks of understanding through which men interpret, make
            sense of, experience  and ‘live’ the material conditions in which they find
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            themselves.  This  second emphasis was very close to the ‘culture’ of Lévi-
            Strauss; but it employed a more Marxist connotation, stressing the degrees of
            mis-recognition involved in these  framings and  classifications of social
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            existence.  Thus, for Althusser, ideologies were those images, representations,
            categories through which men ‘live’, in an imaginary way, their real relation to
            their conditions of existence. To these,  Althusser added  two further, more
            controversial, propositions.  Ideologies were materially located and were
            therefore best examined, in their practico-social effect, in the institutional sites
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