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CULTURAL STUDIES AND THE CENTRE 15

            examined) the active subordination  of  alternatives—their  marginalization and
            incorporation into a dominant structure: hence, also, the resistances, antagonisms
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            and struggles which  result  from regulation.  Strikingly, these  concepts were
            altogether absent: they had been ‘naturalized’ out of existence. Making culture
            problematic meant therefore raising these absences to visibility. What were the
            processes by means of which a dominant cultural order came to be ‘preferred’? 56
            Who preferred this order rather than that? What were the effects of a particular
            ordering of the cultures of a social formation on the other hierarchized social
            arrangements? How did the preferred cultural order help to sustain ‘definite forms
            of life’ in particular social formations? How and why did societies come to be
            culturally ‘structured in dominance’? Broadly speaking, two steps were involved
            here:  First,  the  move (to give it a  too condensed  specification) to an
            ‘anthropological’ definition of culture—as cultural practices; second, the move
            to a more historical definition  of cultural  practices:  questioning  the
            anthropological meaning and interrogating its universality by means of  the
            concepts of  social formation,  cultural power, domination and  regulation,
            resistance and struggle. These moves did not exclude the analysis of texts, but it
            treated them as archives, decentring their assumed privileged status —one kind of
            evidence, among others.
              Second, the question of the relation  between cultural practices and  other
            practices in definite social formations. Here we posed the issue of the relation of
            the ‘cultural’ to what we may  call—again, for shorthand purposes—the
            economic, political and ideological instances.  This was part of the project to
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            develop a  materialist definition  of culture.   It referenced, immediately,  the
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            problems of ‘base’/‘superstructure’ and the question of determination. But the
            classical terms of  that metaphor were now clearly  inadequate.  The work of
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            revision had indeed already commenced.
              Thompson had called attention to the

              dialectical interaction between culture and something that is not culture. We
              must suppose the raw material of life experience to be at one pole, and all
              the infinitely complex human disciplines and  systems, articulate and
              inarticulate, formalized in institutions  or dispersed in the least formal
              ways, which ‘handle’, transmit or distort this raw material to be at  the
              other.  It  is the active process—which  is at the same time the process
              through which men make their history—that I am insisting upon. 60


            In the effort to give culture its own specificity, place and determinate effect, The
            Long Revolution had also proposed a radical revision to the ‘base/superstructure’
            metaphor. It said, in effect, all the practices—economic, political, ideological,
            cultural—interact with effect  on  each  other. This  rescued culture from  its
            residual status as the mere expression of other forces: but at the expense of a
            radical relativism, skirting the problem of determination. Other related traditions
            (Williams at this stage noted the convergences between his own work and that of
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