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CULTURAL STUDIES AND THE CENTRE 13

            culture.  This reworking of Cultural  Studies on the ground  of the ‘base/
            superstructures’ metaphor  was  a highly significant moment, which  had a
            formative impact on the Centre’s work—for example, in  media studies, in
            historical work, in the debates concerning the methods of ideological analysis, in
            the kind of theoretical argument sustained at that time in our General Theory
            seminar (the place where these issues were constantly thrashed out).
              It was here that the charge of ‘theoreticism’ was first advanced. And there is
            no doubt that the Centre was, for a time, over-preoccupied with these difficult
            theoretical issues. It has to be said, however, that we had no alternative but to
            undertake a labour of theoretical definition and clarification at the same time as
            we attempted to do concrete work in the field. The two could not be separated.
            The term ‘culture’ could not be simply taken on loan from other traditions of
            thought and surreptitiously applied, by infinite extension, to an unfolding series
            of new objects. It could not just be ‘tested’ empirically. There were different
            definitions of the term ‘culture’. Each implied a different programme of work.
            Each was only one term  in a matrix of related concepts and propositions. To
            establish the field required a break with older problematics and the constitution of
            new  ones. More recently, Althusser’s  discussion of how new  knowledges  are
            developed by an  ‘epistemological rupture’  with previous ideological
            problematics has greatly exaggerated the absolutism  of such breaks and has
            helped to induce a practice in which texts are not only read ‘symptomatically’,
            for their underlying problematics, but actually reduced to them.  But his general
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            argument stands. Terms and concepts cannot be treated or changed in isolation;
            they must be judged in terms of  their position in a  set of concepts—‘the
            problematic’—and in relation to the ‘constitutive unity of effective thoughts that
            make up the domain  of an existing ideological  field’.  This is not cited in
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            defence of every twist and turn of the theoretical screw, but it explains the
            necessarily theoretical nature of our enterprise as opposed to the obviousness of
            empirical common sense.
              The break into a complex Marxism was made possible, though not easier, by
            the creative disintegration from within of sociology itself in its mainstream form.
            After a period of methodological certainty, sociology too entered its theoretical
            agony. The theory of the self-regulative properties of advanced capitalist societies
            was shown to be penetrated by highly ideological notions. More important, the
            ‘tension-managing’ capacities  of liberal-pluralist societies—for which,  at the
            time, America provided the paradigm  case—began  to look increasingly
            precarious under the impact of the political events and upheavals of American
            society in the late 1960s. Advances were made here not simply by taking thought
            but through  the perceptible  impact of real historical events on  a particular
            structure of  knowledge. When Martin  Nicolaus, the translator  of Marx’s
            Grundrisse,  asked his distinguished American sociological colleagues, ‘What
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            is this science which only holds good when its subjects stand still?’ he marked
            not the turning of another methodological corner but the break-up of a certain
            structure of thought under the force of historical events it could not explain. From
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