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18 INTRODUCTION

            representations in an  array of languages, codes and everyday practices  in
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            contemporary societies.  Both brought the term ‘culture’ down from its abstract
            heights to the level of the ‘anthropological’, the everyday.
              If the weakness of the positions outlined earlier was their tendency to dissolve
            the cultural back into society and history, structuralism’s main emphasis was on
            the  specificity, the irreducibility,  of the cultural. Culture no longer  simply
            reflected other  practices  in  the realm of ideas. It was itself a  practice—a
            signifying practice— and had its own determinate product: meaning. To think of
            the  specificity of the cultural  was  to come  to terms with  what defined it, in
            structuralism’s view, as a practice: its internal forms and relations, its internal
            structuration. It was—following  Saussure, Jakobsen and the  other structural
            linguists—the way elements were selected, combined and articulated in language
            which ‘signified’. The stress therefore shifted from the substantive contents of
            different cultures to their forms of arrangement—from the what to the how of
            cultural systems. 71
              This was  a radical departure.  In Sartre, the link between  signification and
            praxis had been founded theoretically on the intentional and expressive project
            of men (fetishized, masked by their objectivated, alienated appearance in ‘the
            order of things’: see above). Modern structuralism proposed instead to think of
            men as spoken by, as well as speaking, their culture: spoken through its codes
            and systems. The latter aspect (the linguistic system, the social part of language,
            the langue) rather than individual utterances (paroles) was what could be studied
            systematically. In this,  as  in much  else, Lévi-Strauss recapitulated, within
            structuralism, many of the conditions of a ‘science of society’ first proposed in
            Durkheim’s  Rules of  Sociological Method (for  instance,  the suicide rate, not
            individual suicides, was for Durkheim the properly constituted ‘social fact’).  In
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            the same way Lévi-Strauss established the ‘rule’ as central in the construction of
            all ordered human systems. He imposed  ‘difference’ and ‘distinction’ where
            previously there had been correspondences and  unities (compare Goldmann’s
            protocol for a sociology of literature in The Hidden God).
              Structuralism thus constituted a fundamental decentring of cultural processes
            from their authorial centre in ‘man’s project’. Culture was as much constituted
            by  its conditions of  existence as it constituted  them. It established  constraint
            and regulation alongside expression and  agency  in the analysis of structured
            practices. Structuralism thus marked a radical break with the dominant forms of
            theoretical humanism.  It bracketed the  terms ‘consciousness’ and ‘intention’.
            Culture was better understood as the inventories, the folk taxonomies, through
            which social life is ‘classified out’ in different societies. It was not so much the
            product  of ‘consciousness’ as the unconscious  forms and categories  through
            which historically definite forms  of  consciousness were  produced.  This
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            brought the term ‘culture’ closer to an expanded definition of ideology—though
            now without  the  connotations of  ‘false consciousness’ which the term  had
            previously carried.
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