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CULTURAL STUDIES AND THE CENTRE 21

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            and apparatuses (the ISAs) which elaborated them.  But also ideologies worked
            by constituting or interpellating ‘subjects’. The ‘I’, the seat of consciousness and
            the foundation of ideological discourses, was not the integral Cartesian centre of
            thought but  a  contradictory discursive category constituted  by ideological
            discourse itself.  Here Althusser, whose borrowings from Freud  were already
            strategic (for example, the concept of ‘over-determination’), now ambiguously
            made another, more tactical, ‘loan’ from the psychoanalytic work of Lacan. 81
              The problems with  the  Althusserean  formulations on these key theoretical
            issues (and on the related  epistemological  questions  concerning the  relation
            between science and ideology, knowledge and the ‘real’) are well rehearsed and
            cannot  be resumed  here. We must include  in any such account a substantive
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            critique made from within the Centre itself.  Basically, the concepts of ‘relative
            autonomy’ and ‘over-determination’ proved fruitful and have been developed—
            even though they are by no means theoretically secure (what is relative? how
            autonomous is ‘autonomy’?). ‘Structuralist causality’ has been amply shown to
            be just another, larger, self-sufficient and self-generating ‘expressive totality’: all
            its effects are given in the structure which is itself the sum of all the practices—
            even if this is a totality of a Spinozean rather than a Hegelian variety. Ultimately,
            it  proved both formalist and functionalist in character,  giving  a  basis for
            Thompson’s subsequent caricature  of Althusser’s ‘structure’ as a sort of self-
            generating machine. Althusser’s later work—critical of both the formalism and
            the theoreticism of his earlier efforts— returns us to more acceptable positions,
            but these are descriptively rather than theoretically established. 83
              In its integral form, then, ‘Althussereanism’ remained an internally
            inconsistent position. In its fully orthodox form it never really existed for the
            Centre. Few people swallowed Reading Capital whole—though elsewhere it did,
            for a time, acquire doctrinal status. But again the impact was not a matter of
            mere subscription. Althusser interrupted certain previous lines of thinking in a
            decisive way. Those  who  have gone  on to further  developments  nevertheless
            continue to work and  think in  his shadow, after his ‘break’. Many who have
            definitively criticized him are still standing on his shoulders.
              One last aspect of his influence must  be noted. This concerns  the ways in
            which Althusser himself, and those influenced by him, reshaped the central issue
            of the relationship between ideologies/culture and class formations. Cultures as
            the lived practices of social groups in definite societies produced, inevitably, a
            focus on  the  major social formations  of industrial capitalist  societies:  class
            formations. In many ways the earlier Marxist tradition—Lukács and Goldmann
            are good  exemplifications here—conducted the analysis  of  specific cultural
            formations largely by conceiving  them as  the  products or  expressions, at  the
            cultural-ideological level, of the  ‘world outlooks’ or  visions du monde of
            particular classes. Class structures, class domination and class contradictions also
            constituted, at the level of  cultures and ideologies,  parallel formations—class
            ideologies. Althusser not only challenged any attempt to reduce the specificity of
            the ‘ideological instance’ to the simple effect of the economic base (hence, ‘over-
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