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8 INTRODUCTION

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            issues.  It was systematically functionalist and integrative in perspective. It had
            abolished the category of contradiction: instead, it spoke of ‘dysfunctions’ and of
            ‘tension management’. It claimed the mantle of a science. But its premises and
            predispositions  were highly ideological. In  fact, it responded to the question
            posed earlier—what sort of society was this now?—by giving a highly specific
            historical answer: all post-capitalist, post-industrial societies were tending to the
            model of the American dream—as one representative work put it, to the ‘first
            new  nation’. It celebrated the triumph of ‘pluralist society’, constantly
            counterposed to ‘totalitarian  society’, a highly ideological couplet which was
            advanced as  a  concluded scientific fact. It did not deal with ‘culture’, except
            within the terms of  a highly  pessimistic variant  of the ‘mass  society/mass
            culture’ hypothesis. Instead, it referred to ‘the value system’ in the singular—into
            which, as Shils eloquently put it, on the basis of pluralism, the ‘brutal culture’ of
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            the  masses was destined to  be gradually and successfully  incorporated.  It
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            militantly refused the concept of ideology.  What was said earlier needs now to
            be somewhat qualified. It did, after all, provide a sort of reply to the questions
            being posed: it  transposed them into its own, highly distinctive theoretical
            framework. At the same time, it preferred a methodology—the method of the
            social sciences— modelled on a highly outdated version of the natural sciences,
            militantly empiricist and quantitative.
              Perry Anderson has—in  our  view, correctly—argued that such a sociology
            could produce no concept of ‘totality’ and, without that, no concept of ‘culture’
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            either.  Anderson argues that this ‘absent centre’ was filled in Britain, but in a
            displaced form, by other disciplines, in which the concept of ‘totality’ assumed a
            partial existence. He mentions anthropology and literary criticism; we might now
            add the ‘new’ social history. One way of thinking of Cultural Studies is as the
            intellectual space where  the convergences between  these displaced  traditions
            occurred. ‘Driven out of any obvious habits, the notion of totality found refuge in
            the least expected of studies….’
              This is no mere speculation. It refers directly to the politics of academic life in
            which  Cultural Studies, from the  moment of its inception, was immersed.
            Hoggart’s  inaugural lecture, ‘Schools of English and Contemporary Society’,
            which announced the programme of the Birmingham Centre, was an originating
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            document.  Its principal way of conceiving the field ought to have given little
            offence to  academic  amour propre.  It  indexed Cultural Studies as  primarily
            concerned with ‘neglected’ materials drawn from popular culture and the mass
            media, which, it suggested, provided important evidence of the new stresses and
            directions  of  contemporary culture.  This gave the Centre’s  initial impetus a
            distinctly ‘literary’ flavour’—with the Uses of Literacy as an exemplary feat. It
            recommended the adaptation of literary-critical methods in reading these texts
            for their qualitative cultural evidence: a modest proposal—in retrospect, perhaps,
            too modest. But its relative ‘conservatism’ may have reflected that historic
            compromise required to get these illicit questions  posed at all, within a
            traditional academic framework. Nevertheless, it triggered off a blistering attack
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