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CULTURAL STUDIES AND THE CENTRE 7

            seminal work of social history of the post-war period. It was informed throughout
            by a sense of how impossible it would be, after it, to give an account of that
            formative historical  ‘transition’,  the 1790s to  the 1830s, without a sustained
            account of the  ‘cultural dimension’. It was rigorously and, in the best sense,
            ‘empirically’ grounded in historical particularity, though its brief opening pages
            on ‘class relationships’ constituted a brief but resonant statement, ‘theoretical’ in
            effect, if not in manner or intent. Thompson stressed the dimensions of historical
            agency through which a distinctive class formation made itself—the active tense
            in  the title  was fully intentional. His definition of  culture was rooted in the
            collective experiences which formed the class in its larger historical sense. The
            book situated culture  in  the dialectic between ‘social being’  and ‘social
            consciousness’. In doing so, it broke with a kind of economic determinism, and
            with  an institutional perspective,  which had marked  and  limited certain  older
            versions of ‘labour history’, which it effectively displaced. It also obliquely—by
            demonstration, as it were—challenged the narrow, elitist conception of ‘culture’
            enshrined in the Leavisite tradition, as well as the rather evolutionary approach
            which sometimes marked Williams’s Long Revolution. It affirmed, directly, the
            relevance  of historical work  to the task of analysing the  present. Thompson
            insisted on the historical  specificity of culture,  on  its  plural, not  singular,
            definition—‘cultures’, not ‘Culture’: above all, on the necessary struggle, tension
            and conflict between cultures and their links to class cultures, class formations
            and class struggles—the  struggles between ‘ways of  life’ rather than the
            evolution of ‘a way of life’. These were seminal qualifications.
              All these  works, then, implied  a radical  break with previous
            conceptualizations. They inflected the term ‘culture’ away from its traditional
            moorings, getting  behind  the inert sense of ‘period’ which  sustained the text/
            context distinction, moving the argument into the wider field of social practices
            and historical processes. It was difficult, at first, to give these breaks a precise
            location in any single disciplinary field. They appeared to be distinctive precisely
            in the ways in which they broke across and cut between the disciplinary empires.
            They were, for the moment, defined as ‘sociological’ in a loose sense—without,
            of course, being ‘proper’ sociology.


                                  The break with sociology
            Some elements within sociology ‘proper’ were, indeed, preoccupied at this time
            with similar themes. One  thinks,  for example, of the work  of the  Institute of
            Community Studies and of the wider preoccupation with the idea of
            ‘community’ which could be considered as a sort of analogue, within sociology,
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            of the emergent concern  with cultures elsewhere.  But by and large British
            sociology was not predisposed to ask questions of this order. This was the period
            —the 1950s—of its massive dependence on American theories and models. But
            American sociology, in either its Parsonian  theorization or its structural-
            functionalist methodology, was theoretically incapable of dealing with these
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