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JENNIFER DARYL SLACK 119

            subordination, its ‘cement’, so to speak, is ideology, which is conceived of
            as  an  articulation  of  disparate  elements,  that  is,  common  sense,  and  the
            more  coherent  notion  of  ‘higher  philosophy’.  Gramsci  offers  a  way  of
            understanding  hegemony  as  the  struggle  to  construct  (articulate  and  re-
            articulate)  common  sense  out  of  an  ensemble  of  interests,  beliefs  and
            practices. The process of hegemony as ideological struggle is used to draw
            attention to the relations of domination and subordination that articulation
            always entails (see Mouffe, 1979). From Marx is drawn the conception of
            a  social  formation  as  a  combination  of  relations  or  levels  of  abstraction,
            within  which  determination  must  be  understood  as  produced  within
            specific  conjunctures  of  the  levels  rather  than  as  produced  uniformly  and
            directly by the mode of production. The conjunctures come to be seen as
            historically specific articulations of concrete social forces (see Hall, 1977).


                    AN EXPLICIT THEORY OF ARTICULATION: THE
                         CONTRIBUTION OF ERNESTO LACLAU

            Ernesto  Laclau  configures  these  elements—and  others—in  an  especially
            forceful  way  in  Politics  and  Ideology  in  Marxist  Theory  (Laclau,  1977).
            His work warrants special attention here for at least four reasons. First, his
            is  the  initial  attempt  to  formulate  an  explicit  ‘theory  of  articulation’.
            Second,  Hall’s  work  on  articulation  takes  Laclau’s  position  as  a  major
            contribution to the theoretical ground on which and from which to engage
            the  concrete  and  retheorize.  Third,  Laclau’s  reconstitution  of  the
            problematic  in  the  discursive  mode,  foregrounding  the  role  of  ideology,
            figures  significantly  in  a  range  of  directions  (replete  with  problems  and
            possibilities) taken by articulation after Laclau’s intervention. Fourth, the
            relative absence of Laclau in the ‘histories’ of cultural studies suggests some
            disturbing  reconfigurations  (can  I  now  safely  say,  re-articulations?)  of
            foregrounded and backgrounded features of articulation.
              In Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory, Laclau engages in the play of
            theorizing the concrete in terms of articulation and theorizing articulation
            in  terms  of  the  concrete,  principally  in  terms  of  Latin  American  politics.
            Reductionism,  he  argues,  specifically  class  reductionism,  failed—both
            theoretically and politically. The world communist movement was divided,
            the  Cold  War  was  winding  down,  the  masses  were  emergent  on  a  world
            scale, and while capitalism was in the decline, it had proved to be highly
            adaptable. Laclau sets out to formalize marxist categories to contribute to
            a new socialist movement, one in which the ‘proletariat must abandon any
            narrow class perspective and present itself as a hegemonic force to the vast
            masses  seeking  a  radical  political  reorientation  in  the  epoch  of  the  world
            decline of capitalism’ (12).
              Laclau  develops  his  theory  of  articulation  in  contestation  with  class
            reductionism. The failure of such reductionism, he argues, lies in its failure
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