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JENNIFER DARYL SLACK 121

            thereby  absorb  the  contents  of  the  discourse  of  dominated  classes  (162).
            The link between articulation and the concept of hegemony is thus made
            explicit. Laclau writes that

              A  class  is  hegemonic  not  so  much  to  the  extent  that  it  is  able  to
              impose a uniform conception of the world on the rest of society, but
              to  the  extent  that  it  can  articulate  different  visions  of  the  world  in
              such a way that their potential antagonism is neutralized. (161)


            Consequently,  in  the  concept  of  articulation,  Laclau  brings  into  focus  a
            non-reductionist  view  of  class,  the  assertion  of  no-necessary
            correspondence among practices and the elements of ideology, the critique
            of common sense as contradictory ideological structures, and a commitment
            to analysing hegemony as a process of articulating practices in discourse.
              Articulation,  thus  articulated,  provided  a  way  for,  indeed  compelled,
            cultural theorists to rethink the problem of determination. But in theorizing
            the  space  by  highlighting  the  role  of  the  discursive  in  the  process  of
            articulation,  Laclau  foregrounds  a  theoretical  position  that  has  an
            interesting—even  ironic—backgrounding  effect  on  the  very  politics  that
            played such a crucial role in Laclau’s work to begin with. As Hall puts it,
            what  ‘matters’  in  Laclau’s  formulation  is  ‘the  particular  ways  in  which
            these  [ideological]  elements  are  organized  together  within  the  logic  of
            different  discourses’  (Hall,  1980c:  174).  The  effect  of  this  move,  as  Hall
            identifies  it  operating  in  Laclau  and  Mouffe’s  later  work,  Hegemony  and
            Socialist Strategy (1985), is

              to  conceptualize  all  practices  as  nothing  but  discourses,  and  all
              historical  agents  as  discursively  constituted  subjectivities,  to  talk
              about positionalities but never positions, and only to look at the way
              concrete  individuals  can  be  interpellated  in  different  subject
              positionalities.
                                                            (Hall, 1986b:56)


            If  what  is  at  issue  is  the  operation  of  the  discursive,  it  is  easy  to  leave
            behind  any  notion  that  anything  exists  outside  of  discourse.  Struggle  is
            reduced to struggle in discourse, where ‘there is no reason why anything is
            or  isn’t  potentially  articulatable  with  anything’  and  society  becomes  ‘a
            totally open discursive field’ (Hall, 1986b:56).
              Laclau’s  turn  from  reduction,  which  provides  a  basis  to  articulate
            relations  in  discourse,  thus  also  provides  a  basis  to  posit  a  radical  non-
            correspondence  among  discourses  and  practices.  In  effect,  Laclau’s  no-
            necessary  correspondence  could  be  and  was  easily  used  in  service  of
            ‘necessary  non-correspondence’.  Laclau  and  Laclau  and  Mouffe  certainly
            do  not  intend  to  leave  behind  politics,  indeed  to  claim  that  would  be
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