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campaigning – political marketing, personalisation, escalating levels of technological
sophistication – share a common theme, “professionalisation”’ (1998, p. 255). Pippa
Norris also develops these themes in her work when she concludes that ‘modernisation
has transformed the process of electioneering… [T]he defining features of post-
modern campaigns … are the professionalisation of campaign consultants, the
fragmentation of news-media systems, and the dealignment of the electorate’ (2000, p.
178). Other references to professionalisation can be found in Blumler and Gurevitch’s
discussion of ‘the professionalisation of political communication’ (1995, p. 207), in
Mancini’s work on the ‘professionalisation of politics’ (1999); and in Gibson and
Rommele’s work on ‘campaign professionalisation’(2001,p.40).In this way,the present –
and professional – model is easily contrasted with the past – and more amateurish –
model of campaigning. A good example of how these contrasts are used comes from a
study by Farrell,Kolodny and Medvic (2001) in which they suggest that:

The basic trends (in electoral communications activities) can be summarised as
having involved a gradual shift from electioneering as essentially a localist, largely
amateur, part-time affair directed at party loyalists to the permanent campaign of
today that is personified by a focus on slick presentation, the prominent role of
campaign consultants, and an emphasis on marketing of image and campaign
consultants (2001,p.12).

Whilst the above examples are principally drawn from studies of election
communication, references to a process of professionalisation can also be found in
other contexts. At the level of routine operational politics and news management, Jay
Blumler has written of ‘source professionalisation’ (1990); Schlesinger and Tumber
(1994, p. 67) have discussed the ‘professionalisation of media relations’in relation to the
The Professionalisation of Political Communication
interaction between governments and non-governmental organisations; and Negrine
and Lilleker (2002) discuss professionalisation in the context of politicians acquiring
media skills. Finally, Aeron Davis broadens the discussion in his work on the rise of
‘professional public relations’ in Britain as a central part of the conduct of modern
political activity. As he points out, ‘central government and political parties currently
employ only a few percent of those in the profession (of public relations). … it is in the
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corporate sector that the growth of the profession has been most impressive’ (2002, p.
23). Despite their meagre numbers in government, the use of professional public
relations is an indication of the requirement for certain skills and for individuals to
engage in certain media-related routines in way in which they did not do previously.
That it may have a larger impact on the nature of governance itself is an issue that is
often highlighted (Miller, 2003) but this does not negate the point that in the
contemporary age, governments and public bodies also seek to communicate in a
manner that is as professional as that found in the private sector. The British (Blair)
government has thus sought to modernise and ‘professionalise’ its communications
activities in order to make it better suited to deal with the existence of 24/7 media and
to drive the government’s agenda.(See also Chapter 3.)
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