Page 39 - Decoding Culture
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32  DECODING CULTURE

          of moral decline, epitomized by the contrast between the inferior
          products of mass culture and the authentic qualities of 'high' cul­
          ture.  These  claims  are  presented  as  self-evident,  the  kind  of
          knowledge that should be inductively apparent to any properly dis­
          criminating observer.
             The  analytic version,  most often  encountered  in an  academic
           social  science  context,  is  morally  similarly  disposed,  but  less
           absolute in its claims to privileged insight. Here, the assertion of
          powerful media effects is legitimated by the apparatus of 'science',
          in particular by some version of the hypothetico-deductive model.
           Conceptually informing such claims is the mainstream sociological
          commitment to a socialization model, wherein culture is the source
           of the key norms and values internalized by individual actors and
          institutionalized in the social structure. Hence, if the forms of cul­
          ture are changing with the rise of mass society, then this will have
          far-reaching social consequences via the mechanisms of internal­
           ization  and  institutionalization.  In  principle,  of  course,  in  an
           approach  like  this  that  holds to  an  instrumental  view  of theory,
           such claims are methodologically recognized to be incomplete and
          partial, products of specific theoretical frameworks. But in practice,
           analysts all too often fall into the fallacy of misplaced concreteness,
           assuming that their necessarily limited  knowledge-claims  some­
           how exhaust all  significant features of the reality to which they
           relate.  Thus,  although the analytic version  of the  mass culture/
           media effects tradition should in principle be more open to rational
           debate than the descriptive version, in the event it often falls back
           into a similar mode of theoretically unreflective assertiveness.
             Both versions share certain key assumptions, above all a belief
           in the extraordinary power of mass-communicated cultural mate­
          . rials. In this respect they subscribe to what I earlier referred to as
           a  'top-down'  model,  one  in  which  individual  social  agents  are
           largely conceptualized as passive 'victims' of forms of transmitted





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