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                 84   Chapter 4 Marxisms

                          the discursive character of an object does not, by any means, imply putting its
                          existence into question. The fact that a football is only a football as long as it is
                          integrated within a system of socially constructed rules does not mean that it ceases
                          to be a physical object. . . . For the same reason it is the discourse which constitutes
                          the subject position of the social agent, and not, therefore, the social agent which
                          is  the  origin  of  discourse  –  the  same  system  of  rules  that  makes  that  spherical
                          object into a football, makes me a player (159).

                      In other words, objects exist independently of their discursive articulation, but it is only
                      within discourse that they can exist as meaningful objects. For example, earthquakes
                      exist in the real world, but whether they are


                          constructed in terms of ‘natural phenomena’ or ‘expressions of the wrath of God’,
                          depends upon the structuring of a discursive field. What is denied is not that such
                          objects exist externally to thought, but the rather different assertion that they could
                          constitute  themselves  as  objects  outside  any  discursive  condition  of  emergence
                          (Laclau and Mouffe, 2001: 108).

                      The  meanings  produced  in  discourse  inform  and  organize  action.  It  is  only  in
                      discourse,  for  example,  that  ‘a  relation  of  subordination’  can  become  ‘a  relation  of
                      oppression’, and thereby constitute itself as a site of struggle (153). Someone may be
                      ‘objectively’ oppressed but unless they recognize their subordination as oppression, it
                      is unlikely that this relation will ever become antagonistic and therefore open to the
                      possibility of change. Hegemony works, as Laclau (1993) explains, by the transforma-
                      tion of antagonism into simple difference.

                          A class is hegemonic not so much to the extent that it is able to impose a uniform
                          conception of the world on the rest of society, but to the extent that it can articu-
                          late different visions of the world in such a way that their potential antagonism is
                          neutralised. The English bourgeoisie of the 19th century was transformed into a
                          hegemonic class not through the imposition of a uniform ideology upon other
                          classes, but to the extent that it succeeded in articulating different ideologies to its
                          hegemonic project by an elimination of their antagonistic character (161–2).


                         ‘Articulation’ is a key term in post-Marxist cultural studies. ‘The practice of articula-
                      tion’, as Laclau and Mouffe (2001) explain, ‘consists in the . . . partial fix[ing] of mean-
                      ing’  (113).  Hall  (1996b)  has  developed  the  concept  to  explain  the  ways  in  which
                      culture is a terrain of ideological struggle. Like Laclau and Mouffe, he argues that texts
                      and practices are not inscribed with meaning; meaning is always the result of an act
                      of articulation. As he points out, ‘Meaning is a social production, a practice. The world
                      has to be made to mean’ (2009a: 121). He also draws on the work of the Russian the-
                      orist Valentin Volosinov (1973). Volosinov argues that texts and practices are ‘multi-
                      accentual’:  that  is,  they  can  be  ‘spoken’  with  different  ‘accents’  by  different  people
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